350 Years of War between the Irish and British

[onedomino]

In the 17th Century, the Irish were thrown off their land by Scottish and English invaders. This was especially prevalent in Northern Ireland. For more than 350 years, the Irish have struggled to eject the British invaders from Ireland. In 1921, the IRA signed a treaty with the British that created free Ireland and allowed six counties in the northern Ulster province to remain in the UK. Was the IRA right to sign the treaty? Should the 1920s war with Britain have continued until all of Ireland was reclaimed from the invader?

HISTORY OF THE PROBLEM: BRITAIN AND IRELAND

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A Centuries-old Conflict

The history of Northern Ireland can be traced back to the 17th century, when the English finally succeeded in subduing the island after successfully putting down a number of rebellions. (See Oliver Cromwell; Battle of the Boyne.) Much land, especially in the north, was subsequently colonized by Scottish and English Protestants, setting Ulster somewhat apart from the rest of Ireland, which was predominantly Catholic.

The Nineteenth Century

During the 1800s the north and south grew further apart due to economic differences. In the north the standard of living rose as industry and manufacturing flourished, while in the south the unequal distribution of land and resources—Anglican Protestants owned most of the land—resulted in a low standard of living for the large Catholic population.

Political separation of Northern Ireland from the rest of Ireland did not come until the early 20th century, when Protestants and Catholics divided into two warring camps over the issue of Irish home rule.

The Twentieth Century

Political separation of Northern Ireland from the rest of Ireland did not come until the early 20th century, when Protestants and Catholics divided into two warring camps over the issue of Irish home rule. Most Irish Catholics desired complete independence from Britain, but Irish Protestants feared living in a country ruled by a Catholic majority.

Government of Ireland Act

In an attempt to pacify both factions, the British passed in 1920 the Government of Ireland Act, which divided Ireland into two separate political entities, each with some powers of self-government. The Act was accepted by Ulster Protestants and rejected by southern Catholics, who continued to demand total independence for a unified Ireland.

The Irish Free State and Northern Ireland

Following a period of guerrilla warfare between the nationalist Irish Republican Army (IRA) and British forces, a treaty was signed in 1921 creating the Irish Free State from 23 southern counties and 3 counties in Ulster. The other 6 counties of Ulster made up Northern Ireland, which remained part of the United Kingdom. In 1949 the Irish Free State became an independent republic.

"The Troubles"

Although armed hostilities between Catholics and Protestants largely subsided after the 1921 agreement, violence erupted again in the late 1960s; bloody riots broke out in Londonderry in 1968 and in Londonderry and Belfast in 1969. British troops were brought in to restore order, but the conflict intensified as the IRA and Protestant paramilitary groups carried out bombings and other acts of terrorism. This continuing conflict, which lingered into the 1990s, became known as "the Troubles."

Despite efforts to bring about a resolution to the conflict during the 1970s and 80s, terrorist violence was still a problem in the early 90s and British troops remained in full force. More than 3,000 people have died as a result of the strife in Northern Ireland.

THE PEACE PROCESS

An Early Attempt
A serious attempt to bring about a resolution to the conflict was made in 1985 when British and Irish prime ministers Margaret Thatcher and Garrett Fitzgerald signed the Anglo-Irish Agreement, which recognized for the first time the Republic of Ireland's right to have a consultative role in the affairs of Northern Ireland. However, Protestant politicians who opposed the Agreement were able to block its implementation.

The IRA Declares a Cease-fire

Further talks between rival Catholic and Protestant officials and the British and Irish governments occurred during the early 1990s. Then, in late Aug. 1994 the peace process received a big boost when the pro-Catholic IRA announced a cease-fire. This made it possible for Sinn Fein, the political arm of the IRA, to participate in multiparty peace talks; hitherto Sinn Fein had been barred from such talks because of its association with the IRA and its terrorist tactics.

On Dec. 9, 1994, the first officially sanctioned, publicly announced talks took place between Sinn Fein and British officials. Negotiators for Sinn Fein pushed for a British withdrawal from Northern Ireland; Great Britain countered that the IRA must give up its weapons

Sinn Fein Participates in Official Talks

On Dec. 9, 1994, the first officially sanctioned, publicly announced talks took place between Sinn Fein and British officials. Negotiators for Sinn Fein pushed for a British withdrawal from Northern Ireland; Great Britain countered that the IRA must give up its weapons before Sinn Fein would be allowed to negotiate on the same basis as other parties. The issue of IRA disarmament would continue to be a sticking point throughout the negotiations.

An Anglo-Irish Proposal for Peace

In late Feb. 1995, the British and Irish governments released their joint proposal for talks on the future of Northern Ireland. The talks were to be held in three phases involving the political parties of Northern Ireland, the Irish government, and the British government. The talks would focus on the establishment of a form of self-government for Northern Ireland and the formation of Irish-Northern Irish "cross-border" bodies that would be set up to oversee such domestic concerns as agriculture, tourism, and health. Results of the talks would be put to referendums in Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland.

The U.S. Gets Involved

In Dec. 1995, former US senator George Mitchell was brought in to serve as mediator for the peace talks. His report issued in Jan. 1996 recommended the gradual disarmament of the IRA during the course of the talks, thus breaking the deadlock caused by the IRA's refusal to disarm.

Multiparty Talks Open in Belfast

On June 10, 1996, multiparty peace talks opened in Belfast. However, because of the breakdown of the IRA cease-fire the preceding Feb., Sinn Fein was turned away. Following the resumption of the cease-fire in July 1997, full-scale peace negotiations began in Belfast on Oct. 7, 1997. Great Britain attended as well as most of Northern Ireland's feuding political parties, including Sinn Fein and the Ulster Unionist Party (UUP), the largest Protestant political party in Northern Ireland. The more extreme Democratic Unionist Party and the tiny United Kingdom Unionist Party refused to join.

Good Friday Agreement

The historic talks finally resulted in the landmark Good Friday Agreement, which was signed by the main political parties on both sides on Apr. 10, 1998. The accord called for an elected assembly for Northern Ireland, a cross-party cabinet with devolved powers, and cross-border bodies to handle issues common to both the Republic of Ireland and Northern Ireland. Thus minority Catholics gained a share of the political power in Northern Ireland, and the Republic of Ireland a voice in Northern Irish affairs. In return Catholics were to relinquish the goal of a united Ireland unless the largely Protestant North voted in favor of it.

Real Hope for Peace

With the signing of the Good Friday Agreement, hope ran high that lasting peace was about to become a reality in Northern Ireland. In a dual referendum held on May 22, 1998, Northern Ireland approved the accord by a vote of 71% to 29%, and the Irish Republic by a vote of 94%. In June 1998, voters chose the 108 members of the Northern Ireland Assembly, the locally elected government.

International recognition and support for peace in Northern Ireland came on Oct. 16, 1998, when the Nobel Peace Prize was awarded jointly to John Hume and David Trimble, the leaders of the largest Catholic and Protestant political parties, respectively, in Northern Ireland.

Hope Proves False

In June 1999, the peace process stalled when the IRA refused to disarm prior to the formation of Northern Ireland's new provincial cabinet. Sinn Fein insisted that the IRA would only give up weapons after the new government assembled; the Ulster Unionists, Northern Ireland's largest Protestant party, demanded disarmament first. Consequently the new government failed to form on schedule in July 1999, bring the entire process to a complete halt.

Sinn Fein, Over to You

At the end of Nov. 1999, David Trimble, leader of the Ulster Unionists, relented on the "no guns, no government" position and agreed to form a government before the IRA's disarmament. If the IRA did not begin to disarm by Jan. 31, 2000, however, the Ulster Unionists would withdraw from the parliament of Northern Ireland, shutting down the new government.

New Parliament Is Suspended

With this compromise in place, the new government was quickly formed, and on Dec. 2 the British government formally transferred governing powers over to the Northern Irish parliament. But by the deadline Sinn Fein had made little progress toward disarmament, and so on Feb. 12, 2000, the British government suspended the Northern Irish parliament and once again imposed direct rule.

A New Beginning

Throughout the spring, Irish, British, and American leaders continued to hold discussions to try to end the impasse. Then on May 6 the IRA announced that it would agree to put its arms "beyond use" under the supervision of international inspectors. Britain returned home rule powers to the Northern Ireland Assembly on May 30, just three days after the Ulster Unionist Party, Northern Ireland's largest Protestant Party, again voted in favor of a power-sharing arrangement with Sinn Fein.

On June 26, 2000, international monitors Martti Ahtisaari of Finland and Cyril Ramaphosa of South Africa announced that they were satisfied that a substantial amount of IRA arms was safely stored and could not be used without detection.

However, while the IRA did allow for the inspection of some of its arms dumps, the months limped by without any real progress on disarmament. Caught in the middle was David Trimble, who was accused by his fellow Protestants of making too many concessions to the Republicans. On Oct. 28, 2000, he was nearly ousted by his own party, a move that surely would have spelled the end for the Good Friday Agreement. But Trimble survived, pledging to get tough by imposing sanctions on Sinn Fein.

Remainder of the article:
http://www.infoplease.com/spot/northireland1.html

For an interesting novel that depicts 1850-1920 northern Irish life under British occupation see Trinity, by Leon Uris: [ame=http://www.amazon.com/gp/product/product-description/055325846X/ref=dp_proddesc_0/103-9658239-2049433?%5Fencoding=UTF8&n=283155]http://www.amazon.com/gp/product/product-description/055325846X/ref=dp_proddesc_0/103-9658239-2049433?%5Fencoding=UTF8&n=283155[/ame]

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[onedomino]

Monday, April 24th, 1916:

Easter 1916
William Butler Yeats

Biographical Note: W.B. Yeats (1865 - 1939) was born in Sandymount, Dublin to a relatively rich family. His father was a lawyer and later a painter and his mother was the daughter of a rich merchant. Yeats is well known for his plays and poems, especially his poems written later in life. Yeats founded the Irish Theatre along with Lady Gregory in 1899. His most famous plays are Cathleen ni Houlihan and The Countess Cathleen. He received the Nobel Prize for Literature in 1923 for his dramatic works.

The event known as the Easter Rising/Rebellion of 1916 took place in Dublin, Ireland on Easter Monday. The purpose of the rebellion was the withdrawal of Ireland from the United Kingdom and the creation of an Irish Free State. The Irish Republican Brotherhood (forerunner of the IRA) and the Irish Citizen Army, using German supplied arms, carried out the rebellion. The rising was supposed to be nationwide in scope with about 16,000 armed rebels, however the British intercepted the German weapons shipment before it could reach the rebels. The arrest of Roger Casement and the lack of sufficient ammunitions prompted the nationwide rebellion to be called off. Patrick Pearse and James Connolly decided to continue the operation but it was confined to Dublin and only about 1600 rebels participated.

The rebellion was doomed before it even started. The rebels took over certain key points around Dublin, including the General Post Office and the Judiciary Building. However, they failed to take certain tactical positions such as the Dublin Castle and a high-rise hotel, which would have made an excellent firing position. This was inconsequential, however, because three days later British reinforcements outnumbered the rebels 20 to 1. The rebels were forced to surrender six days later. The city center in Dublin was practically destroyed with all the British artillery shelling. Civilian casualties outnumbered both the rebel and British casualties put together.

The immediate attitude of Dubliners and the Irish people towards this uprising was disgust. The rising seemed pointless and bloody. Dublin was badly damaged and so were her people.

This changed dramatically, however, after the British executed nearly all of the rebel leaders. The Irish began to see them as martyrs and heroes for the cause of Irish freedom. The leaders truly contributed more to Irish patriotism by being executed than by their actions in mounting the rebellion.

The purpose of the poem is a memorial for the people who gave their lives on Easter Monday. (Easter 1916) Yeats begins in the first stanza by describing how he interacted with Dubliners prior to the rising. He engages in meaningless polite small talk with them as they pass on the street, and later may even joke about them at his club:

I have passed with a nod of the head
Or polite meaningless words,
And thought before I had done
Of a mocking tale or a gibe
To please a companion
Around the fire at the club

He did not identify with these people and certainly did not respect them. At the end of the stanza Yeats is saying that the rising changed all that, and now he identifies with them. He can see their commonality and their shared destiny:

All changed, changed utterly

In the second stanza he begins to talk about specific people who took part in the rebellion. The four are not mentioned by name, but their identity is obvious and would have been obvious to the reader at the time. They are, in order, Constance Markievicz, Patrick Pearse, Thomas MacDonagh, and John MacBride. He describes the first three as good people, but not as doing anything especially wonderful or productive. He identifies Pearse as a talented writer and the founder of the St. Edna School. MacDonagh is a sweet and sensitive man. MacBride is not thought highly of by Yeats, who describes him as "A drunken, vainglorious lout." MacBride was married to Yeats's lifetime love interest, Maud Gonne, and treated her poorly. Yet, Yeats still honors MacBride because he sacrificed himself for Ireland. He asserts even MacBride can be "transformed utterly" by this event.

The third stanza shifts into nature-oriented language to explore the concept of change in Ireland. He compares the hearts of the fallen Irish to a stone, unable to change. The Irish have "one purpose alone", to free Ireland, and this purpose has so enveloped them that their hearts have become stone. The stone is within the stream of the living, however, and the stone impedes the flowing changes. Yeats mentions how everything changes; the horse, the rider, the birds, the clouds, the shadows all change minute to minute, but the stone remains fixed and stationary through the change:

Too long a sacrifice
Can make a stone of the heart.

This first line of the fourth stanza builds off of the third stanza's stone metaphor. The long struggle of the Irish has made them weary and their hearts turn to stone. He goes on to say only God knows when their sacrificing will suffice to accomplish their goals. Yeats believes all humans can do is memorialize the dead by saying their names, as a mother would a fallen child:

O when may it suffice?
That is Heaven's part, our part
To murmur name upon name,
As a mother names her child
When sleep at last has come
On limbs that had run wild.

The final stanza affirms that the rebels did not die in vain; that the dream they died for is stronger than it ever was when they were living. Yeats writes out "in a verse" four names of persons who were executed to honor and remember them, and to make sure their deaths surely were not in vain. They had born the terrible beauty of Irish patriotism and the Irish revolutionary spirit. They had changed their country, and themselves, forever:

I write it in a verse -
MacDonagh and MacBride
And Connolly and Pearse
Now and in time to be,
Wherever green is worn,
Are changed, changed utterly:
A terrible beauty is born

Ireland (except for six counties in Ulster) became a free republic five years later in 1921.