The Democrats have no plan to fix any of our big problems why would anyone vote for them?
Rand Paul and Senate GOP:
And the Republicans do?
YOu mean other than, "Doooooy, tax cut for rich people, Dooooyyyy"
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The Democrats have no plan to fix any of our big problems why would anyone vote for them?
Rand Paul and Senate GOP:
Is that what group think looks like?Smart folks believe the exact opposite of anything Ayn Rand Paul says.
Obama had a plan, it was voted down 99 to 0.
That is incorrect. The Republican's plan, while flawed, provided for more prosperity and growth than anything the current President or his Congress has provided in the last 3.5 years.The Republican 'plan' has been tried and failed.
"What experience and history teach is this-that people and governments never have learned anything from history, or acted on principles deduced from it."
G. W. F. Hegel
The Democrats have no plan to fix any of our big problems why would anyone vote for them?
Rand Paul and Senate GOP:
The OP is wrong. The Democrats have a plan:
1)Spend more money
2) Increase regulations across the board
3) Increase taxes to pay for it
4) Demonize opponents
5) Blame Bush
The Democrats have no plan to fix any of our big problems why would anyone vote for them?
Rand Paul and Senate GOP:
And the Republicans do?
YOu mean other than, "Doooooy, tax cut for rich people, Dooooyyyy"
The Democrats have no plan to fix any of our big problems why would anyone vote for them?
Rand Paul and Senate GOP:
And the Republicans do?
YOu mean other than, "Doooooy, tax cut for rich people, Dooooyyyy"
The Democrats have no plan to fix any of our big problems why would anyone vote for them?
Rand Paul and Senate GOP:
Middle ground on what? The budget? Deficit reduction? Middle ground on fiscal matters would be a combination of spending cuts and tax increases.
Which tax increases are the Republicans willing to support in order to reach the 'middle ground'?
Mr. Jones, if you want to be the leader, lead us out of debt and stop using a battering ram on the Bill of Rights. If you don't, the adults will.Democrats have a plan, you simply dont like it for subjective partisan reasons.The Democrats have no plan to fix any of our big problems why would anyone vote for them?
And republicans are on the record for refusing to compromise, in addition to offering poorly conceived plans predicated on failed policies.
One could ask why anyone would vote for them as well.
Ah...
This is a part of the ACA that reduces medicare funding by 500 Billion?
But there are indications that Medicare spending growth has slowed. One highly visible gauge of Medicare spending trends is the standard monthly Part B premium, which is set by the Medicare actuary to cover one quarter of total Part B spending. In August 2011, the actuary projected that the Part B premium for 2012 would be $106.60, but the actual premium was set in November at only $99.90. A much broader indicator of a slowing trend is the fact that growth in Medicare outlays per enrollee in 2010 and 2011 was roughly in line with growth in the economy (see graphExcess Medicare Spending Growth.). And in January 2012, the Congressional Budget Office (CBO) made a $69 billion downward revision to its 10-year Medicare spending projection a technical correction that reflects emerging data showing surprisingly slow growth in outlays. Similar slowing trends have led to positive earnings surprises for publicly traded insurers.
The framers of the ACA perceived broad provider-payment reform as the best prospect for slowing the long-term spending trend. But they needed scoreable savings, and they could ill afford to alienate backers by forcing through major payment reforms at the same time. The ACA planted the seeds for accountable care organizations (ACOs), bundled payment for episodes of care, patient-centered medical homes, and incentives for reducing readmissions. Now those seeds offer a way forward.
In site visits and interviews conducted for our ongoing qualitative research, the Center for Studying Health System Change found strong provider interest in payment reform and efforts to prepare for it, with the prospect of increasing constraint on Medicare payment rates cited as motivation. We see a combination of reformed delivery of care and broader units of payment as having the potential to allow providers to generate savings through steps that are less threatening to quality of care and access than are cuts in payment rates. More concretely, payment on the basis of shared savings or partial capitation can reward providers for delivering care more efficiently. This approach is preferable to merely paying providers less and less for business as usual.
There is a historical precedent for harsh, simple-minded cuts setting the stage for broad-based payment reform. Up until the early 1980s, Medicare reimbursed hospitals for costs incurred, subject to ceilings. The Tax Equity and Fiscal Responsibility Act of 1982 substantially tightened those limits, leaving hospitals with no upside they could not earn a profit by reducing costs and a growing downside for those whose costs exceeded the limits. The next year, legislation was passed, with the support of the hospital industry, replacing cost reimbursement with the inpatient prospective payment system (IPPS), with rates initially calibrated to leave Medicare outlays unchanged. Hospitals then had the opportunity to reduce costs per admission by shortening lengths of stay and to earn a positive margin in the process.
The IPPS is generally viewed as a major policy success: it encouraged hospitals to seek efficiencies, and when they found those efficiencies, it allowed the federal government to share in the savings. Should ACOs and other reforms prove effective, they will provide broader opportunities to increase the efficiency of delivery beyond shortening lengths of stay, such as managing chronic disease more effectively so as to keep beneficiaries out of the hospital in the first place. But our current challenge is more complex than the one faced in the early 1980s. Broadening the unit of payment will require reaching across different types of providers and helping to stitch together real delivery systems in places where now there are none.
U.S. Medicare spending growth has slowed even as enrollment rises, and could remain below targets set by Congress for the next 10 years, experts said.
Medicare recorded a sharp drop in the volume of doctor visits and other outpatient services early in 2010, from an annual growth rate of 4 percent growth to less than 2 percent.
"We thought, 'Wow, what's happening?'" chief Medicare actuary Rick Foster told The Washington Post in an interview. "Part B cost growth has slowed down so much, we're seeing virtually the lowest rates ever."
This brings us back to the progress being made beyond the Beltway toward a better combination of cost and quality in health care. Consistent with other evidence that points to a deceleration in cost pressures is a Congressional Budget Office report earlier this month showing that Medicare spending has risen less than 3 percent over the past year.
During the past months, a number of important articles have appeared in the healthcare literature on the subject of the recent slowing of health-spending growth in the U.S. In an article in Januarys Health Affairs, economists at the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services suggest that the recession, even though officially ending in mid-2009, was the major factor in extraordinarily slow spending growth of 4.7 percent in 2008 and 3.9 percent in 2010, down from 7.5 percent in 2007 and double-digit growth in the 1980s and 1990s. Also citing recessionary causes, a report from the McKinsey Center for U.S. Health System Reform specifies declines in the rate of overall spending growth for eight consecutive years, from 9.2 percent in 2002 to 4.0 percent in 2009.
The purpose of this commentary is to suggestthrough observations and data analysesthat independent of the recession, other fundamental and structural changes are likely contributing to the flattening of the cost curve, and further, that these changes have the potential to significantly alter the curves path into the future. Two independent analyses support this premise.
That is incorrect. The Republican's plan, while flawed, provided for more prosperity and growth than anything the current President or his Congress has provided in the last 3.5 years.The Republican 'plan' has been tried and failed.
"What experience and history teach is this-that people and governments never have learned anything from history, or acted on principles deduced from it."
G. W. F. Hegel
The Democrats have no plan to fix any of our big problems why would anyone vote for them?
Rand Paul and Senate GOP:
Middle ground on what? The budget? Deficit reduction? Middle ground on fiscal matters would be a combination of spending cuts and tax increases.
Which tax increases are the Republicans willing to support in order to reach the 'middle ground'?
The American people are paying 4.4 trillion in taxes already,when you add Federal,State,City and County.
You can't get blood out of turnip. Especially during a recession.
Feds get 2.2 trillion and spends 3.6 trillion. It's an out of control spending problem and not a tax problem.
The Democrats have no plan to fix any of our big problems why would anyone vote for them?
Rand Paul and Senate GOP:
The Democrats have no plan to fix any of our big problems why would anyone vote for them?
Democrats have a plan, you simply dont like it for subjective partisan reasons.
And republicans are on the record for refusing to compromise, in addition to offering poorly conceived plans predicated on failed policies.
One could ask why anyone would vote for them as well.