The fiction is your far right reactionary revisionism. Read VP Stephens'
8220 Corner Stone 8221 Speech Teaching American History cornerstone speech of March 21, 1861 and you will find the truth.
So one speech by a guy who was given the meaningless job of vice present and who just weeks earlier was arguing vehemently against secession--this one speech is supposed to somehow prove that secession was all about slavery, when in fact he never even mentioned secession?
You still have no addressed the point that the Republicans' reasons for opposing peaceful separation clearly had nothing to do with any concerns about slavery.
And if Stephens' speech is supposed to taken as representative of how all Southern citizens felt, shall we argue that all Northern citizens agreed with the sentiments expressed in the following statements by Northern leaders, starting with Abraham Lincoln? Let's read:
Abraham Lincoln, just two years before he was elected president:
I am not, nor ever have been, in favor of bringing about in any way the social and political equality of the white and black races, that I am not, nor ever have been, in favor of making voters or jurors of negroes, nor of qualifying them to hold office, nor to intermarry with white people; and I will say in addition to this that there is a physical difference between the white and black races which I believe will forever forbid the two races living together on terms of social and political equality. ... I will add to this that I have never seen, to my knowledge, a man, woman, or child who was in favor of producing a perfect equality, social and political, between negroes and white men. . . .
I will say in addition to this that there is a physical difference between the white and black races which I believe will forever forbid the two races living together on terms of social and political equality. And inasmuch as they cannot so live, while they do remain together there must be the position of superior and inferior, and I, as much as any other man, am in favor of having the superior position assigned to the white race. (Fourth debate between Lincoln and Douglas, September 18, 1858)
Lincoln again, and this time we see him regarding the idea of "negro equality" as fudge and demagoguery:
“Negro equality! Fudge! How long, in the government of a god, great enough to make and maintain this universe, shall there continue to be knaves to vend, and fools to gulp, so low a piece of demagogue-ism as this?” (Abraham Lincoln in notes for speeches in September of 1859)
Lincoln, yet again:
I have no purpose to introduce political and social equality between the white and black races. There is physical difference between the two which, in my judgment, will probably forever forbid their living together upon the footing of perfect equality, and inasmuch as it becomes a necessity that there must be a difference, I, as well as Judge Douglas, am in favor of the race to which I belong having the superior position. (Third debate with Douglas, August 21, 1858)
Senator Stephen Douglas from Illinois, whom Lincoln warmly embraced as an ally after Fort Sumter fell:
I say to you in all frankness, gentlemen, that in my opinion a negro is not a citizen, cannot be, and ought not to be, under the constitution of the United States. . . . I say that this government was established on the white basis. It was made by white men, for the benefit of white men and their posterity forever, and never should be administered by any except white men. (Fourth debate with Stephen Douglas, September 18, 1858)
It should be noted that Douglas finished second in the popular vote in the 1860 presidential election, receiving over 1.3 million votes, the vast majority of which came from states that remained in the Union during the war. He got 31% of the vote in California, 47% of the vote in Illinois, 42% of the vote in Indiana, 43% of the vote in Iowa, 29% of the vote in Maine, 42% of the vote in Michigan, 39% of the vote in New Hampshire, 42% of the vote in Ohio, and 46% of the vote in New York.
Congressman Samuel Cox, who was raised in the North, said the following in the House of Representatives on June 2, 1862:
I have been taught in the history of this country that these Commonwealths and this Union were made for white men; that this Government is a Government of white men; that the men who made it never intended, by any thing they did, to place the black race on an equality with the white. (Samuel Cox, Eight Years in Congress, D. Appleton & Co., 1865, Kessenger Publishing, 2005, reprint of 1865 edition, p. 156)
Joshua Giddings, a leading abolitionist Republican, declared,
We do not say the black man is, or shall be, the equal of the white man, or that he shall vote or hold office. (Foner, Free Soil, Free Labor, Free Men, p. 291)
Senator Lyman Trumbull of Illinois, an early opponent of slavery and an ardent foe of the extension of slavery into the territories, assured a Republican rally in Chicago that the Republican Party was “the white man’s party” and that he wanted nothing to do with blacks—in fact, he wanted blacks to leave the country:
I, for one, am very much disposed to favor the colonization of such free negroes as are willing to Central America. I want to have nothing to do with the free negro or the slave negro. We, the Republican Party, are the white man's party. [Great applause.] We are for free white men, and for making white labor respectable and honorable, which it never can be when negro slave labor is brought into competition with it. [Great applause.] We wish to settle the territories with free white men, and we are willing that this
negro race should go anywhere that it can to better its condition, wishing them God speed, wherever they go. We believe it is better for us that they should not be among us. I believe it will be better for them to go elsewhere. (
The Campaign in Illinois, Chicago, 1858, pp. 8-9)
Shall I continue? I could.
So, again, you need to come to grips with the fact that the Republicans' refusal to allow the South to leave in peace had nothing to do with any concerns about slavery. Indeed, we now know that behind the scenes Lincoln--as president--was pushing for the Corwin Amendment, which would have forever prevented the federal government from abolishing slavery--he even mentioned his support for the amendment in his first inaugural address.