barryqwalsh
Gold Member
- Sep 30, 2014
- 3,397
- 252
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US election: darkness falls across America
In the place of enlightenment, Hillary Clinton champions emotionalism, unreason and the barbarian fetish for supranational rule over the sovereignty of liberal democratic people. Donald Trump rises on a reactionary platform typified by an oppositional stance to anything establishment. Neither champions reason. Neither champions the form of freedom. Neither promises the redemption that America so desperately needs.
The establishment Right so mistrusts Trump that 95 per cent of Republican donors have withdrawn support, a stark statistic reported by the Los Angeles Times. But it was hard to ignore a line graph on the side of the page that showed popular support for Trump soaring despite a week of slumped media ratings after an embarrassing performance in the first presidential debate.
In the past week, the Trump campaign shifted gears from pure anti-establishment fervour to nationalism. It is not the nationalism that elevates a single race, religion or ideology above all others in the spirit of ethnic chauvinism. Trump’s nationalism is decidedly 21st century. It pits sovereignty against supranationalism in an appeal to those ignored by an unaccountable elite and left behind by transnational trade.
The problem with the Trump platform is its superficiality. By conflating transnational trade with supranationalism, he is nearing the precipice of conspiracy theory. Trump is unlikely to make America great again. In his campaign materials, there is little beyond the slogan to suggest that is his principal aim. Rather, he aims to make America more American again. It is by a process of implicit logical extension — an article and leap of faith — that his supporters equate Americanism with North America and North America with greatness.
Rather, Trump’s America is a counter-revolution in waiting. We know what has preceded it; the neo-Marxist march against Western civilisation whose gross dilation finds form in state-sanctified minority supremacy and the political correctness that sustains it. But no one knows what might proceed from a Trump presidency except a counter-revolution against PC Left culture by the progressive dismantling of its government agencies, the media, the activist judiciary and universities.
For many Americans, however, the Trump promise of counter-revolution suffices. The initial revolution was against the idea of the USA embodied in the Declaration of Independence and the constitution and championed by patriotic citizens who exalt the American dream as a universal ideal. The anti-American Revolution spearheaded by the 1960s New Left overturned the Western intellectual and cultural tradition in universities and replaced it with emotionalism, neo-Marxist minority rights and militant mob rule. Its outward expression is a codified regime of political correctness against the principal target of the PC Left: the white, heterosexual male of conservative and/or Christian persuasion.
The increasing militancy of hard Left minority groups such as Black Lives Matter and the Democrats’ financial backing of them fuel Trump’s rise. On two occasions in the past week, BLM activists attacked people simply because they were wearing Trump caps emblazoned with the campaign slogan “Make America Great Again”.
The man at the centre of the latest violent BLM riots, Alfred Olango, was shot by police. The BLM, the press and international media such as Al Jazeera presented him as a victim of police brutality against blacks. Records reveal, however, that Olango was a refugee from Africa whom authorities tried to deport twice after he was convicted on drugs and firearms charges. Footage shows Olango adopted a shooting stance and pulled an object from his pocket that resembled a gun before police responded in self-defence.
There are many conflicting polls on the presidential race. One of the more interesting was conducted recently by Kaiser and CNN. Two areas of concern common to groups of various socio-economic and ethnic groups are trade and anti-Christian prejudice. Among white Americans, both from a working class background and with college degrees, more than 60 per cent believe trade agreements have cost US jobs. A majority of the respondents share concerns about anti-Christian prejudice in the US. Among working class whites and blacks, 65 per cent and 62 per cent respectively believe that Christian values are under attack.
Those invested in the American dream want to make America American again. Trump’s counter-revolution represents in cultural terms a new nationalism that embraces multiracialism while rejecting the anti-Western tenets of multicultural ideology.
As I wrote previously, the first state leader to institute a national policy of multiculturalism was former Canadian prime minister Pierre Trudeau, whose son now occupies the post. Trudeau was a devotee of Mao Zedong’s approach to racial minorities that did “not try to assimilate them but … make them understand the blessings of Marxism”. Trudeau’s legacy, the policy of multiculturalism, arose from the ideal of cultural unity in Marxism. It is unsurprising then that multicultural ideology has resulted in a politics and policy that pits PC minorities against the cultural values of the West: the secular state, universal law, freedom of speech and formal equality.
Neither Trump nor Clinton augurs the restoration of American greatness. But Trump is brash and arrogant enough to lead a counter-revolution on the premise of American exceptionalism. The brutal lesson of Trump’s ascendancy is that to battle the philistines, sometimes you have to act like one.
http://www.theaustralian.com.au/opi...a/news-story/dc344589bf052f34a4b30af2f822db23
- JENNIFER ORIEL
- The Australian
- October 3, 2016
- 207 Comments
In the place of enlightenment, Hillary Clinton champions emotionalism, unreason and the barbarian fetish for supranational rule over the sovereignty of liberal democratic people. Donald Trump rises on a reactionary platform typified by an oppositional stance to anything establishment. Neither champions reason. Neither champions the form of freedom. Neither promises the redemption that America so desperately needs.
The establishment Right so mistrusts Trump that 95 per cent of Republican donors have withdrawn support, a stark statistic reported by the Los Angeles Times. But it was hard to ignore a line graph on the side of the page that showed popular support for Trump soaring despite a week of slumped media ratings after an embarrassing performance in the first presidential debate.
In the past week, the Trump campaign shifted gears from pure anti-establishment fervour to nationalism. It is not the nationalism that elevates a single race, religion or ideology above all others in the spirit of ethnic chauvinism. Trump’s nationalism is decidedly 21st century. It pits sovereignty against supranationalism in an appeal to those ignored by an unaccountable elite and left behind by transnational trade.
The problem with the Trump platform is its superficiality. By conflating transnational trade with supranationalism, he is nearing the precipice of conspiracy theory. Trump is unlikely to make America great again. In his campaign materials, there is little beyond the slogan to suggest that is his principal aim. Rather, he aims to make America more American again. It is by a process of implicit logical extension — an article and leap of faith — that his supporters equate Americanism with North America and North America with greatness.
Rather, Trump’s America is a counter-revolution in waiting. We know what has preceded it; the neo-Marxist march against Western civilisation whose gross dilation finds form in state-sanctified minority supremacy and the political correctness that sustains it. But no one knows what might proceed from a Trump presidency except a counter-revolution against PC Left culture by the progressive dismantling of its government agencies, the media, the activist judiciary and universities.
For many Americans, however, the Trump promise of counter-revolution suffices. The initial revolution was against the idea of the USA embodied in the Declaration of Independence and the constitution and championed by patriotic citizens who exalt the American dream as a universal ideal. The anti-American Revolution spearheaded by the 1960s New Left overturned the Western intellectual and cultural tradition in universities and replaced it with emotionalism, neo-Marxist minority rights and militant mob rule. Its outward expression is a codified regime of political correctness against the principal target of the PC Left: the white, heterosexual male of conservative and/or Christian persuasion.
The increasing militancy of hard Left minority groups such as Black Lives Matter and the Democrats’ financial backing of them fuel Trump’s rise. On two occasions in the past week, BLM activists attacked people simply because they were wearing Trump caps emblazoned with the campaign slogan “Make America Great Again”.
The man at the centre of the latest violent BLM riots, Alfred Olango, was shot by police. The BLM, the press and international media such as Al Jazeera presented him as a victim of police brutality against blacks. Records reveal, however, that Olango was a refugee from Africa whom authorities tried to deport twice after he was convicted on drugs and firearms charges. Footage shows Olango adopted a shooting stance and pulled an object from his pocket that resembled a gun before police responded in self-defence.
There are many conflicting polls on the presidential race. One of the more interesting was conducted recently by Kaiser and CNN. Two areas of concern common to groups of various socio-economic and ethnic groups are trade and anti-Christian prejudice. Among white Americans, both from a working class background and with college degrees, more than 60 per cent believe trade agreements have cost US jobs. A majority of the respondents share concerns about anti-Christian prejudice in the US. Among working class whites and blacks, 65 per cent and 62 per cent respectively believe that Christian values are under attack.
Those invested in the American dream want to make America American again. Trump’s counter-revolution represents in cultural terms a new nationalism that embraces multiracialism while rejecting the anti-Western tenets of multicultural ideology.
As I wrote previously, the first state leader to institute a national policy of multiculturalism was former Canadian prime minister Pierre Trudeau, whose son now occupies the post. Trudeau was a devotee of Mao Zedong’s approach to racial minorities that did “not try to assimilate them but … make them understand the blessings of Marxism”. Trudeau’s legacy, the policy of multiculturalism, arose from the ideal of cultural unity in Marxism. It is unsurprising then that multicultural ideology has resulted in a politics and policy that pits PC minorities against the cultural values of the West: the secular state, universal law, freedom of speech and formal equality.
Neither Trump nor Clinton augurs the restoration of American greatness. But Trump is brash and arrogant enough to lead a counter-revolution on the premise of American exceptionalism. The brutal lesson of Trump’s ascendancy is that to battle the philistines, sometimes you have to act like one.
http://www.theaustralian.com.au/opi...a/news-story/dc344589bf052f34a4b30af2f822db23
