I want to go BACK to this interview.... And get back to the topic.
Nick Gillespie: You argue in the book, and this is one of the really ... I think one of the interesting twists is that you're using Chief Justice John Roberts, who is nobodies idea of a liberal, but you essentially agree with his legal theory about whether or not the government should remedy certain forms of discrimination, but you disagree with the facts. To put a little bit of ... You had referred to this earlier, but at one point, Robert said, "If segregation is a product, not of state action, but of private choices, it does not have constitutional implications." That's Robert's theory, and you say you're fine with that, but Roberts has his facts wrong, because what your book shows is that the government actually ... That state action was a really major factor, if not the major factor, so that the government ... It's right and proper that the government should be directly involved in addressing the inequalities that stem from residential segregation enforced by the state.
With that as a backdrop, let's talk about your specific suggestions for policies that you think will ameliorate not just the residential segregation patterns, but disparities in income, education, and mobility. You write that federal subsidies for middle class African-Americans to purchase homes in suburbs that have been racially exclusive are the most obvious incentives that could spur integration. How would that work? How do you find the people who would qualify for that kind of program? Then, how do you make it happen?
Richard Rothstein: Well, let me say first that I also say in the book that I'm very reluctant to discuss remedies because I think that they're inconceivable. They're politically inconceivable today. I am not suggesting that the kind of thing that you just mentioned, the program of liberals or anybody else in the country today, because until we have a new consensus about the extent to which the government is responsible for residential segregation, we can't have the kind of conversation that is necessary to begin to consider remedies together. I do talk, as you mentioned, I don't mind talking about some remedies that we might be able to develop, but I'm not advocating them today. What I'm advocating is a much broader discussion of this history, because we now have a national consensus that we have defacto segregation, and that consensus has to be destroyed before we can have an intelligent conversation about remedies, and if we have that conversation, it may be that other people have much better suggestions for remedies than I do.
Interested in the Left -- Right -- Libertarian -- Socialist reactions to the comment I enlarged above.
1) "If segregation is a product, not of state action, but of private choices, it does not have constitutional implications." Agree, Disagree --- Discuss..
2) If segregation and it's predictable effects on economic outcome are primarily CAUSED by State actions -- Is is right and PROPER to attempt to "remedy them"?? As in some forms of compensation in the housing market to "catch up" or compensate for damages? Realize this damage OCCURRED in the 20th Century. We're not talking about 17th to 19th Century?