TyroneSlothrop
Diamond Member
- Banned
- #261
you are an apologist for racism
Tamir Rice a No-Go. Let the Whining Begin.
- Thread starter Meathead
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TyroneSlothrop
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Skylar
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Realistic toy guns that they are holding to stranger's heads?
TyroneSlothrop
Diamond Member
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- #265
these whites find apologies for anything done to Blacks ...they want Blacks to be abused ...like you
ClosedCaption
Diamond Member
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If you want to understand just ask whites how they feel about being asked to dial 1 for English. Then maybe they'll begin to understand the issues that blacks have with being shot.
Being shot is a little more than annoying
Being shot is a little more than annoying
TyroneSlothrop
Diamond Member
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- #267
you pulled that out of your ass that did not happen...here is another kid that needs to be gunned down
TyroneSlothrop
Diamond Member
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- #268
the Black guy was legally carrying and he was made to get face down on the street he was handcuffed his weapon removed...he was Black so the law on open carry did not cover him..
Lonestar_logic
Republic of Texas
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I'm sure the crime rate among blacks has nothing to do with why cops treat them differently.
TyroneSlothrop
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- #270
The Cleveland Prosecutor had a two pronged strategy to get the Policeman off Scott free after he gunned down a 12 year old unarmed kid....
One part of the Strategy was to do nothing at all for 14 months to let time pass to weaken the memory of the shocking murder of a 12 year old by the public
The other strategy was to put in front of the Grand Jury as much doubt as possible...he allowed the self serving statements of the two officers to be read to the Jury but the Officers did not have to testify and be cross examined ...they presented the most pro Police version of events to the grand jury...the Prosecutor became the Defense attorney for the Police man
One part of the Strategy was to do nothing at all for 14 months to let time pass to weaken the memory of the shocking murder of a 12 year old by the public
The other strategy was to put in front of the Grand Jury as much doubt as possible...he allowed the self serving statements of the two officers to be read to the Jury but the Officers did not have to testify and be cross examined ...they presented the most pro Police version of events to the grand jury...the Prosecutor became the Defense attorney for the Police man
ClosedCaption
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Rofl @ describing a kid playing with a gun as "holding it to strangers heads"
Even when ni one is around black boys are threats to the people not around.
Even when ni one is around black boys are threats to the people not around.
TyroneSlothrop
Diamond Member
- Banned
- #272
In other words the Blacks should be subject to a different law a different constitution not the ones for Whites ... I get your meaning...its only reasonable to gun down a 12 year old because of "what other Blacks may have done at some time somewhere" I get you
TyroneSlothrop
Diamond Member
- Banned
- #273
They can turn into Hulk
TyroneSlothrop
Diamond Member
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- #274
I am so sick of the Right wingers lining up to support any killing of Blacks by Police any at all no matter what the age of the victim or the circumstances no matter what they want Black folks gunned down
Skylar
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Pointing it at a woman's face is 'playing'? The guy calling 911 said that Rice was scaring the shit out of people.
ClosedCaption
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More made up bullshit I see, if you were right yiu wouldn't have to make up scenarios
TyroneSlothrop
Diamond Member
- Banned
- #278
he was a regular 12 year old with a toy gun not someone who needed to be gunned down ....you just will excuse anything whatsoever that is done to Blacks no matter what
Stephanie
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I just now ran across this. see any truth in it? You've voted Democrat all these years. what do you have to show for it? seriously? you let them lead you into poverty, having to live in violence with gangs roaming public housing. drugs addiction is worse, fatherless homes is up. think about it
snip:
The Riot Ideology, Reborn
Baltimore, Ta-Nehisi Coates, and the new racial politics
Autumn 2015
BRANDEN EASTWOOD/REDUX
The death of Freddie Gray ignited Baltimore’s spring 2015 riots, which pitted police . . .
In the summer of 1966, Attorney General Nicholas Katzenbach warned that there would be riots by angry, poor minority residents in “30 or 40” American cities if Congress didn’t pass President Lyndon Johnson’s Model Cities antipoverty legislation. In the late 1960s, New York mayor John Lindsay used the fear of such rioting to expand welfare rolls dramatically at a time when the black male unemployment rate was about 4 percent. And in the 1980s, Washington, D.C., mayor Marion Barry articulated an explicitly racial version of collective bargaining—a threat that, without ample federal funds, urban activists would unleash wave after wave of racial violence. “I know for a fact,” Barry explained, “that white people get scared of the [Black] Panthers, and they might give money to somebody a little more moderate.”
This brand of thinking, which I have called the riot ideology, influenced urban politics for a generation, from the 1960s through the 1980s. Perhaps its model city was Baltimore, which, in 1968, was consumed by race riots so intense that the Baltimore police, 500 Maryland state troopers, and 6,000 National Guardsmen were unable to quell them. The “insurrection” was halted only when nearly 5,000 federal troops requested by Maryland governor Spiro Agnew arrived.
In the years since 1968, Baltimore has proved remarkably adept at procuring state and federal funds and constructed revitalization projects such as the justly famed Camden Yards and a convention center. But Baltimore never really recovered from the riots, and the lawlessness never fully subsided. What began as a grand bargain to avert further racial violence after 1968 descended over the decades into a series of squalid shakedowns. Antipoverty programs that had once promised to repair social and family breakdown became by the 1990s self-justifying and self-perpetuating.
In the wake of the 2014 riots in Ferguson, Missouri, and the 2015 West Baltimore riots, a new riot ideology has taken hold, one similarly intoxicated with violence and willing to excuse it but with a different goal. The first version of the riot ideology assumed that not only cities but also whites could be reformed; the new version assumes that America is inherently racist beyond redemption and that the black inner city needs to segregate itself from the larger society (with the exception of federal welfare funds, which should continue to flow in). This new racial politics is not only coalescing around activists claiming to speak for urban blacks—represented publically by groups like Black Lives Matter—but is also expressed in the writings of best-selling author Ta-Nehisi Coates. And Baltimore is once again center stage.
The West Baltimore rioters of 2015 didn’t call for more LBJ-style antipoverty projects but for less policing. In a “keep off our turf” version of belligerent multiculturalism, the rioters see police as both to blame for black criminality and as an embodiment of bourgeois white values. The old riot ideology referred to mostly white urban police forces as occupying armies; the new version sees even Baltimore’s integrated police force, under the leadership of the city’s black mayor and (until recently) a black police chief, as an occupying army. Withdrawing the police from black neighborhoods is the only acceptable solution.
all of it here:
The Riot Ideology, Reborn by Fred Siegel, City Journal Autumn 2015
snip:
The Riot Ideology, Reborn
Baltimore, Ta-Nehisi Coates, and the new racial politics
Autumn 2015
BRANDEN EASTWOOD/REDUX
The death of Freddie Gray ignited Baltimore’s spring 2015 riots, which pitted police . . .
In the summer of 1966, Attorney General Nicholas Katzenbach warned that there would be riots by angry, poor minority residents in “30 or 40” American cities if Congress didn’t pass President Lyndon Johnson’s Model Cities antipoverty legislation. In the late 1960s, New York mayor John Lindsay used the fear of such rioting to expand welfare rolls dramatically at a time when the black male unemployment rate was about 4 percent. And in the 1980s, Washington, D.C., mayor Marion Barry articulated an explicitly racial version of collective bargaining—a threat that, without ample federal funds, urban activists would unleash wave after wave of racial violence. “I know for a fact,” Barry explained, “that white people get scared of the [Black] Panthers, and they might give money to somebody a little more moderate.”
This brand of thinking, which I have called the riot ideology, influenced urban politics for a generation, from the 1960s through the 1980s. Perhaps its model city was Baltimore, which, in 1968, was consumed by race riots so intense that the Baltimore police, 500 Maryland state troopers, and 6,000 National Guardsmen were unable to quell them. The “insurrection” was halted only when nearly 5,000 federal troops requested by Maryland governor Spiro Agnew arrived.
In the years since 1968, Baltimore has proved remarkably adept at procuring state and federal funds and constructed revitalization projects such as the justly famed Camden Yards and a convention center. But Baltimore never really recovered from the riots, and the lawlessness never fully subsided. What began as a grand bargain to avert further racial violence after 1968 descended over the decades into a series of squalid shakedowns. Antipoverty programs that had once promised to repair social and family breakdown became by the 1990s self-justifying and self-perpetuating.
In the wake of the 2014 riots in Ferguson, Missouri, and the 2015 West Baltimore riots, a new riot ideology has taken hold, one similarly intoxicated with violence and willing to excuse it but with a different goal. The first version of the riot ideology assumed that not only cities but also whites could be reformed; the new version assumes that America is inherently racist beyond redemption and that the black inner city needs to segregate itself from the larger society (with the exception of federal welfare funds, which should continue to flow in). This new racial politics is not only coalescing around activists claiming to speak for urban blacks—represented publically by groups like Black Lives Matter—but is also expressed in the writings of best-selling author Ta-Nehisi Coates. And Baltimore is once again center stage.
The West Baltimore rioters of 2015 didn’t call for more LBJ-style antipoverty projects but for less policing. In a “keep off our turf” version of belligerent multiculturalism, the rioters see police as both to blame for black criminality and as an embodiment of bourgeois white values. The old riot ideology referred to mostly white urban police forces as occupying armies; the new version sees even Baltimore’s integrated police force, under the leadership of the city’s black mayor and (until recently) a black police chief, as an occupying army. Withdrawing the police from black neighborhoods is the only acceptable solution.
all of it here:
The Riot Ideology, Reborn by Fred Siegel, City Journal Autumn 2015
The Breeze
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