Race and the American Prospect consists of essays by fourteen men who believe that race contributes to a depressing American prospect. In the introduction Samuel Francis writes:
“Today, journalists, disc jockeys, leading sports figures, public officials, distinguished, and major political leaders who violate the racial taboos of our age are fired.”
This is often true. Nevertheless, Charles Murray still gets his books and magazine articles published. Efforts were made to get Professor J. Philippe Rushton fired from the University of Western Ontario in London, Ontario, Canada N6A 5C2. The efforts failed.
His essay, “Race, Evolution, and Behavior” can still be found on the internet,
Race, Evolution, and Behavior:
although efforts have been made by his university to remove it.
In his essay “Racial Differences in Intelligence, Personality, and Behavior,” Richad Lynn points out that Orientals have average IQs of 105, whites have averages of 97, and sub-Saharan Africans have averages of 70.
He goes on to write, “The low IQ of sub-Saharan Africans is consistent with their failure to make any advances in civilization.”
Nevertheless, the Nubians and the Ethiopians developed systems of writing, and built cities.
In his essay, “The Racial Revolution Race and Racial consciousness in American History” Jared Taylor points out that the reluctance to criticize Negroes is comparatively recent in American history.
Taylor draws attention to Thomas Jeferson’s writings on the Jefferson Memorial, “Nothing is more certainly written in the book of fate than that [the Negroes] shall be free.” while also drawing attention to what Jefferson wrote immediately afterward, “nor is it less certain that the two races, equally free, cannot live under the same government.”
Taylor writes that “in a message to Congress President Lincoln argued for the forcible removal of free blacks.”
He adds that President Theodore Roosevelt claimed that blacks were “a perfectly stupid race.”
One can argue that blacks have proved that these beliefs are incorrect. Nevertheless, where is there evidence that most blacks are as intelligent, and have the same low rates of crime and illegitimacy as most whites?
In his essay “Immigration and Race the Making and Unmaking of America” Wayne Lutton points out that in the past there was opposition to immigration from sources other than north eastern Europe.
On the one hand all population growth, whether from a high birth rate, a high immigration rate, or both, has economic and environmental costs. Nevertheless, I think we should distinguish between demographics characterized by high intelligence and low rates of crime and illegitimacy, and demographics characterized by low intelligence, and high rates of crime and illegitimacy.
In his essay, “Race and the South,” Sam G. Dickson points out that slavery benefited those rich enough to buy slaves, and harmed those who could not afford slaves. He does not explain why the Confederacy was popular among poor whites in the South.
In his essay “Jews, Blacks, and Race, Kevin MacDonald claims:
“at a fundamental level the entire Jewish political spectrum, from left/liberal to neoconservative right continues to view the political cultural hegemony with hostility and suspicion.”
Jews have reason to view Kevin MacDonald that way. He is the Jew hater’s favorite academic.
Professor MacDonald’s only source for that assertion is one quote by Syemour Maartin Lipset.
The United States has been more protective of Israel than any other country. Jews have been more successful in the United States than in any other country. I am confident that most Jews love the United States as much as I do.
In his essay, “Why the American Ruling Class Betrays Its Race and Civilization,” Samuel Francis tries to explain why powerful whites usually favor affirmative action and suppress the discussion of black social pathology. He borrows from James Burnham’s theory that managers have supplanted the owners of American corporations. He argues that managers care more than owners about diversity.
This is only true when there is no diversity of merit. Consider two companies of the same size. Hiring managers who can hire men and women, and diverse races, national origins, religions and sexual orientations have an advantage over hiring managers who only hire white, Christian, heterosexual males. This is because they can select from a larger pool of applicants.
Nevertheless, companies do not benefit from lowering standards for Negroes.
I suspect that most of the people who rise to senior management positions have spent their lives in safe neighborhoods: which is to say, non black majority, environments. They have known few blacks. Those few were exceptional, or they occupied subordinate positions without resentment. It is easy for them to imagine that most blacks are like the few they know and like or would be if they had better opportunities.
I was raised in that environment myself. I used to feel that way about blacks. Since then, I have experienced downward social mobility. I have also been mugged by blacks, robbed at gunpoint by blacks, and nearly murdered by blacks. Those experiences make me receptive to most of the messages presented by the contributors to Race and the American Prospect.
“Today, journalists, disc jockeys, leading sports figures, public officials, distinguished, and major political leaders who violate the racial taboos of our age are fired.”
This is often true. Nevertheless, Charles Murray still gets his books and magazine articles published. Efforts were made to get Professor J. Philippe Rushton fired from the University of Western Ontario in London, Ontario, Canada N6A 5C2. The efforts failed.
His essay, “Race, Evolution, and Behavior” can still be found on the internet,
Race, Evolution, and Behavior:
although efforts have been made by his university to remove it.
In his essay “Racial Differences in Intelligence, Personality, and Behavior,” Richad Lynn points out that Orientals have average IQs of 105, whites have averages of 97, and sub-Saharan Africans have averages of 70.
He goes on to write, “The low IQ of sub-Saharan Africans is consistent with their failure to make any advances in civilization.”
Nevertheless, the Nubians and the Ethiopians developed systems of writing, and built cities.
In his essay, “The Racial Revolution Race and Racial consciousness in American History” Jared Taylor points out that the reluctance to criticize Negroes is comparatively recent in American history.
Taylor draws attention to Thomas Jeferson’s writings on the Jefferson Memorial, “Nothing is more certainly written in the book of fate than that [the Negroes] shall be free.” while also drawing attention to what Jefferson wrote immediately afterward, “nor is it less certain that the two races, equally free, cannot live under the same government.”
Taylor writes that “in a message to Congress President Lincoln argued for the forcible removal of free blacks.”
He adds that President Theodore Roosevelt claimed that blacks were “a perfectly stupid race.”
One can argue that blacks have proved that these beliefs are incorrect. Nevertheless, where is there evidence that most blacks are as intelligent, and have the same low rates of crime and illegitimacy as most whites?
In his essay “Immigration and Race the Making and Unmaking of America” Wayne Lutton points out that in the past there was opposition to immigration from sources other than north eastern Europe.
On the one hand all population growth, whether from a high birth rate, a high immigration rate, or both, has economic and environmental costs. Nevertheless, I think we should distinguish between demographics characterized by high intelligence and low rates of crime and illegitimacy, and demographics characterized by low intelligence, and high rates of crime and illegitimacy.
In his essay, “Race and the South,” Sam G. Dickson points out that slavery benefited those rich enough to buy slaves, and harmed those who could not afford slaves. He does not explain why the Confederacy was popular among poor whites in the South.
In his essay “Jews, Blacks, and Race, Kevin MacDonald claims:
“at a fundamental level the entire Jewish political spectrum, from left/liberal to neoconservative right continues to view the political cultural hegemony with hostility and suspicion.”
Jews have reason to view Kevin MacDonald that way. He is the Jew hater’s favorite academic.
Professor MacDonald’s only source for that assertion is one quote by Syemour Maartin Lipset.
The United States has been more protective of Israel than any other country. Jews have been more successful in the United States than in any other country. I am confident that most Jews love the United States as much as I do.
In his essay, “Why the American Ruling Class Betrays Its Race and Civilization,” Samuel Francis tries to explain why powerful whites usually favor affirmative action and suppress the discussion of black social pathology. He borrows from James Burnham’s theory that managers have supplanted the owners of American corporations. He argues that managers care more than owners about diversity.
This is only true when there is no diversity of merit. Consider two companies of the same size. Hiring managers who can hire men and women, and diverse races, national origins, religions and sexual orientations have an advantage over hiring managers who only hire white, Christian, heterosexual males. This is because they can select from a larger pool of applicants.
Nevertheless, companies do not benefit from lowering standards for Negroes.
I suspect that most of the people who rise to senior management positions have spent their lives in safe neighborhoods: which is to say, non black majority, environments. They have known few blacks. Those few were exceptional, or they occupied subordinate positions without resentment. It is easy for them to imagine that most blacks are like the few they know and like or would be if they had better opportunities.
I was raised in that environment myself. I used to feel that way about blacks. Since then, I have experienced downward social mobility. I have also been mugged by blacks, robbed at gunpoint by blacks, and nearly murdered by blacks. Those experiences make me receptive to most of the messages presented by the contributors to Race and the American Prospect.
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