More prescient words were never spoken.

“These gerrymanders enabled politicians to entrench themselves in office as against voters’ preferences,” she wrote. “They promoted partisanship above respect for the popular will. They encouraged a politics of polarization and dysfunction. If left unchecked, gerrymanders like the ones here may irreparably damage our system of government.”

That was part of Justice Kagen's dissent in the 2019 SC case (Rucho vs Common Cause) opening the door ever wider for trump's anti-democratic request of the TX legislature to create 5 Repub controlled seats.

In Election Cases, Supreme Court Keeps Removing Guardrails​

If Republicans succeed in pulling off an aggressively partisan gerrymander of congressional districts in Texas, they will owe the Supreme Court a debt of gratitude.

In the two decades Chief Justice John G. Roberts Jr. has led the Supreme Court, the justices have reshaped American elections not just by letting state lawmakers like those in Texas draw voting maps warped by politics, but also by gutting the Voting Rights Act of 1965 and amplifying the role of money in politics.

Developments in recent weeks signaled that some members of the court think there is more work to be done in removing legal guardrails governing elections. There are now signs that court is considering striking down or severely constraining the remaining pillar of the Voting Rights Act, a towering achievement of the civil rights movement that has protected the rights of minority voters since it was enacted 60 years ago last week.

Taken together, the court’s actions in election cases in recent years have shown great tolerance for partisan gamesmanship and great skepticism about federal laws on campaign spending and minority rights. The court’s rulings have been of a piece with its conservative wing’s jurisprudential commitments: giving states leeway in many realms, insisting on an expansive interpretation of the First Amendment and casting a skeptical eye on government racial classifications.


Were it not so tragic it would be comical how right after CJ Roberts gave his myopic, factually unfounded opinion about there no longer being a need for protective aspects (preclearance) of the VRA, Repub controlled states immediately began to prove him wrong.

States Have Added Nearly 100 Restrictive Laws Since SCOTUS Gutted the Voting Rights Act 10 Years Ago​

Ten years ago, the Supreme Court eviscerated a central component of the Voting Rights Act in Shelby County v. Holder. That decision removed the requirement for jurisdictions with histories of racial discrimination in voting to obtain federal approval for new voting policies — a process called “preclearance.” Without this guardrail, voters lost a bulwark against discriminatory voting policies, and states previously subject to preclearance were free to implement discriminatory restrictions on voting access without advance checks. Many states did exactly that.

Along with a prior decision narrowly interpreting constitutional protections for voting rights, Shelby County also sent a message to the nation that the federal courts would no longer play their historic role as a robust protector of voting rights. In the years since, the Court has repeatedly confirmed this, signaling to states that they could pass restrictive voting laws without fear of legal consequence. (The Supreme Court’s recent decision in Allen v. Milligan upholds the Voting Rights Act’s protections against racial gerrymandering, not against voting restrictions.)


Roberts claimed Congress did not consider how things in the country had changed since 1965 when it reauthorized the VRA in 2006. The opposite is true.

According to Chief Justice Roberts’ opinion, the answer to that question is simple: The facts changed. Congress could have accounted for the shifting face of voter discrimination in its construction of the Section 4 preclearance formula, he wrote, but "instead reenacted a formula based on 40-year-old facts having no logical relation to the present day." He went on to blast "the irrationality of continued reliance on the §4 coverage formula," insisting that "regardless of how to look at the record . . . no one can fairly say that it shows anything approaching the 'pervasive,' 'flagrant,' 'widespread,' and 'rampant' discrimination that faced Congress in 1965." Taking the majority at its word, one would conclude that Congress reauthorized the VRA in 2006 without giving second thought to the15,000 pages of facts, figures, and testimony it amassed as part of the legislative record when considering the law. How could such a sweeping law pass constitutional muster with Congress failing even to consider whether it remained necessary in light of those findings?

But the answer, unsurprisingly, was that Congress did no such thing. Instead, it approved the VRA's reauthorization after determining that the preclearance formula was "necessary to protect racial and language minority citizens located in covered jurisdictions from discrimination." And although it acknowledged, as the Shelby Court did, that there had been significant improvements in ballot access since the law's initial passage, Congress also found that "if not for [Sections 4 and 5] of the VRA the gains made by minorities would not have been made," and "the gains achieved by minority voters over the last 40 years are vulnerable without the protections afforded by" the preclearance regime.


While regrettable, it is easier to understand how so many Repub voters base their beliefs on factual inaccuracies. But one would hope a person with the resources at the disposal of the Chief Justice of the SC would be better informed. One would hope someone in that powerful position would approach matters of national importance with an open mind. Alas, life is full of disappointments.

Inside John Roberts’ Decades-Long Crusade Against the Voting Rights Act​

🥱

Considering that Democrap opposition to alleged “Republican” gerrymandering is only concerned with just that: when it is supposedly done BY Republicans, and also considering the long history of Democrat gerrymandering, you fail massively yet again, bug80.
 
“These gerrymanders enabled politicians to entrench themselves in office as against voters’ preferences,” she wrote. “They promoted partisanship above respect for the popular will. They encouraged a politics of polarization and dysfunction. If left unchecked, gerrymanders like the ones here may irreparably damage our system of government.”

That was part of Justice Kagen's dissent in the 2019 SC case (Rucho vs Common Cause) opening the door ever wider for trump's anti-democratic request of the TX legislature to create 5 Repub controlled seats.

In Election Cases, Supreme Court Keeps Removing Guardrails​

If Republicans succeed in pulling off an aggressively partisan gerrymander of congressional districts in Texas, they will owe the Supreme Court a debt of gratitude.

In the two decades Chief Justice John G. Roberts Jr. has led the Supreme Court, the justices have reshaped American elections not just by letting state lawmakers like those in Texas draw voting maps warped by politics, but also by gutting the Voting Rights Act of 1965 and amplifying the role of money in politics.

Developments in recent weeks signaled that some members of the court think there is more work to be done in removing legal guardrails governing elections. There are now signs that court is considering striking down or severely constraining the remaining pillar of the Voting Rights Act, a towering achievement of the civil rights movement that has protected the rights of minority voters since it was enacted 60 years ago last week.

Taken together, the court’s actions in election cases in recent years have shown great tolerance for partisan gamesmanship and great skepticism about federal laws on campaign spending and minority rights. The court’s rulings have been of a piece with its conservative wing’s jurisprudential commitments: giving states leeway in many realms, insisting on an expansive interpretation of the First Amendment and casting a skeptical eye on government racial classifications.


Were it not so tragic it would be comical how right after CJ Roberts gave his myopic, factually unfounded opinion about there no longer being a need for protective aspects (preclearance) of the VRA, Repub controlled states immediately began to prove him wrong.

States Have Added Nearly 100 Restrictive Laws Since SCOTUS Gutted the Voting Rights Act 10 Years Ago​

Ten years ago, the Supreme Court eviscerated a central component of the Voting Rights Act in Shelby County v. Holder. That decision removed the requirement for jurisdictions with histories of racial discrimination in voting to obtain federal approval for new voting policies — a process called “preclearance.” Without this guardrail, voters lost a bulwark against discriminatory voting policies, and states previously subject to preclearance were free to implement discriminatory restrictions on voting access without advance checks. Many states did exactly that.

Along with a prior decision narrowly interpreting constitutional protections for voting rights, Shelby County also sent a message to the nation that the federal courts would no longer play their historic role as a robust protector of voting rights. In the years since, the Court has repeatedly confirmed this, signaling to states that they could pass restrictive voting laws without fear of legal consequence. (The Supreme Court’s recent decision in Allen v. Milligan upholds the Voting Rights Act’s protections against racial gerrymandering, not against voting restrictions.)


Roberts claimed Congress did not consider how things in the country had changed since 1965 when it reauthorized the VRA in 2006. The opposite is true.

According to Chief Justice Roberts’ opinion, the answer to that question is simple: The facts changed. Congress could have accounted for the shifting face of voter discrimination in its construction of the Section 4 preclearance formula, he wrote, but "instead reenacted a formula based on 40-year-old facts having no logical relation to the present day." He went on to blast "the irrationality of continued reliance on the §4 coverage formula," insisting that "regardless of how to look at the record . . . no one can fairly say that it shows anything approaching the 'pervasive,' 'flagrant,' 'widespread,' and 'rampant' discrimination that faced Congress in 1965." Taking the majority at its word, one would conclude that Congress reauthorized the VRA in 2006 without giving second thought to the15,000 pages of facts, figures, and testimony it amassed as part of the legislative record when considering the law. How could such a sweeping law pass constitutional muster with Congress failing even to consider whether it remained necessary in light of those findings?

But the answer, unsurprisingly, was that Congress did no such thing. Instead, it approved the VRA's reauthorization after determining that the preclearance formula was "necessary to protect racial and language minority citizens located in covered jurisdictions from discrimination." And although it acknowledged, as the Shelby Court did, that there had been significant improvements in ballot access since the law's initial passage, Congress also found that "if not for [Sections 4 and 5] of the VRA the gains made by minorities would not have been made," and "the gains achieved by minority voters over the last 40 years are vulnerable without the protections afforded by" the preclearance regime.


While regrettable, it is easier to understand how so many Repub voters base their beliefs on factual inaccuracies. But one would hope a person with the resources at the disposal of the Chief Justice of the SC would be better informed. One would hope someone in that powerful position would approach matters of national importance with an open mind. Alas, life is full of disappointments.

Inside John Roberts’ Decades-Long Crusade Against the Voting Rights Act​

Another bergie anti-Trump rant. I love the fact that he gets under your skin so much. Keep on posting. We on the right love your daily meltdowns.
 
“These gerrymanders enabled politicians to entrench themselves in office as against voters’ preferences,” she wrote. “They promoted partisanship above respect for the popular will. They encouraged a politics of polarization and dysfunction. If left unchecked, gerrymanders like the ones here may irreparably damage our system of government.”

That was part of Justice Kagen's dissent in the 2019 SC case (Rucho vs Common Cause) opening the door ever wider for trump's anti-democratic request of the TX legislature to create 5 Repub controlled seats.

In Election Cases, Supreme Court Keeps Removing Guardrails​

If Republicans succeed in pulling off an aggressively partisan gerrymander of congressional districts in Texas, they will owe the Supreme Court a debt of gratitude.

In the two decades Chief Justice John G. Roberts Jr. has led the Supreme Court, the justices have reshaped American elections not just by letting state lawmakers like those in Texas draw voting maps warped by politics, but also by gutting the Voting Rights Act of 1965 and amplifying the role of money in politics.

Developments in recent weeks signaled that some members of the court think there is more work to be done in removing legal guardrails governing elections. There are now signs that court is considering striking down or severely constraining the remaining pillar of the Voting Rights Act, a towering achievement of the civil rights movement that has protected the rights of minority voters since it was enacted 60 years ago last week.

Taken together, the court’s actions in election cases in recent years have shown great tolerance for partisan gamesmanship and great skepticism about federal laws on campaign spending and minority rights. The court’s rulings have been of a piece with its conservative wing’s jurisprudential commitments: giving states leeway in many realms, insisting on an expansive interpretation of the First Amendment and casting a skeptical eye on government racial classifications.


Were it not so tragic it would be comical how right after CJ Roberts gave his myopic, factually unfounded opinion about there no longer being a need for protective aspects (preclearance) of the VRA, Repub controlled states immediately began to prove him wrong.

States Have Added Nearly 100 Restrictive Laws Since SCOTUS Gutted the Voting Rights Act 10 Years Ago​

Ten years ago, the Supreme Court eviscerated a central component of the Voting Rights Act in Shelby County v. Holder. That decision removed the requirement for jurisdictions with histories of racial discrimination in voting to obtain federal approval for new voting policies — a process called “preclearance.” Without this guardrail, voters lost a bulwark against discriminatory voting policies, and states previously subject to preclearance were free to implement discriminatory restrictions on voting access without advance checks. Many states did exactly that.

Along with a prior decision narrowly interpreting constitutional protections for voting rights, Shelby County also sent a message to the nation that the federal courts would no longer play their historic role as a robust protector of voting rights. In the years since, the Court has repeatedly confirmed this, signaling to states that they could pass restrictive voting laws without fear of legal consequence. (The Supreme Court’s recent decision in Allen v. Milligan upholds the Voting Rights Act’s protections against racial gerrymandering, not against voting restrictions.)


Roberts claimed Congress did not consider how things in the country had changed since 1965 when it reauthorized the VRA in 2006. The opposite is true.

According to Chief Justice Roberts’ opinion, the answer to that question is simple: The facts changed. Congress could have accounted for the shifting face of voter discrimination in its construction of the Section 4 preclearance formula, he wrote, but "instead reenacted a formula based on 40-year-old facts having no logical relation to the present day." He went on to blast "the irrationality of continued reliance on the §4 coverage formula," insisting that "regardless of how to look at the record . . . no one can fairly say that it shows anything approaching the 'pervasive,' 'flagrant,' 'widespread,' and 'rampant' discrimination that faced Congress in 1965." Taking the majority at its word, one would conclude that Congress reauthorized the VRA in 2006 without giving second thought to the15,000 pages of facts, figures, and testimony it amassed as part of the legislative record when considering the law. How could such a sweeping law pass constitutional muster with Congress failing even to consider whether it remained necessary in light of those findings?

But the answer, unsurprisingly, was that Congress did no such thing. Instead, it approved the VRA's reauthorization after determining that the preclearance formula was "necessary to protect racial and language minority citizens located in covered jurisdictions from discrimination." And although it acknowledged, as the Shelby Court did, that there had been significant improvements in ballot access since the law's initial passage, Congress also found that "if not for [Sections 4 and 5] of the VRA the gains made by minorities would not have been made," and "the gains achieved by minority voters over the last 40 years are vulnerable without the protections afforded by" the preclearance regime.


While regrettable, it is easier to understand how so many Repub voters base their beliefs on factual inaccuracies. But one would hope a person with the resources at the disposal of the Chief Justice of the SC would be better informed. One would hope someone in that powerful position would approach matters of national importance with an open mind. Alas, life is full of disappointments.

Inside John Roberts’ Decades-Long Crusade Against the Voting Rights Act​


Translation:

Democrats have enjoyed 75 years of unrestricted cheating. Republicans have stood by and allowed their lunch to be eaten...but now they have joined the process of fire versus fire.

Democrats are suddenly outraged!

Boo....hoo...hoo....
 
Translation:

Democrats have enjoyed 75 years of unrestricted cheating.
Well, you know that statement is wildly inaccurate, right? Why do you bother posting bullshit on my thread?
 
As if we weren't divided enough, the Great Partisan Battle of the Gerrymander will make it even worse.

Our enemies have to be loving this. They don't even have to lift a finger.
Our enemies are within, mostly in the DNC.
 
As if we weren't divided enough, the Great Partisan Battle of the Gerrymander will make it even worse.

Our enemies have to be loving this. They don't even have to lift a finger.
The only difference between the right and the left is that the left declared war decades ago and the right slept through it until now.
 
Suppressing the shit out of fraudulent Dem voters.
To people like you… anyone who doesn’t vote Republican (and more importantly for Trump or Trump minions) is a fraudulent voter
 
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