Bin Laden was not the boisterous show off arrogant leader of a nation like this guy is. Bin Laden was hidden by the Pakistanis, a country that was supposedly our ally.
Do you have any idea who owns the Washington Times?
Your article is from July 7. All of those options went out the window when he developed a thermonuclear weapon.
Hey idiot read the link. Of course Germany has offensive weapons.White Germany doesn't have any offensive weapons or offensive army. And just like the Japanese, we don't want them to. In exchange, we are responsible for defending them. How do you think these two countries became such strong economic superpowers? Another country has been paying for their defense for the last 70 years.White germany has an army you ******* moron Japan doesnt and they arent white.Yes, you ignorant racist dipshit, we have an agreement to defend "white" Germany and Japan as long as their militaries do not acquire offensive capabilities. You of course see "race" in everything.
Germany to boost army to 200,000 troops amid growing concern over Donald Trump's commitment to Nato
Bin Laden didn`t have a military.
Good? You want countries killing US citizens in terrorist acts because the US ***** with them and you never know about it?
Do you have any idea who owns the Washington Times?
Your article is from July 7. All of those options went out the window when he developed a thermonuclear weapon.
Good article on Kim's weakmess:
By sharing media with family, friends, and broader networks, and by learning to avoid detection, North Koreans are also gaining skills and connections essential to independent political organization. In a totalitarian state like North Korea, a group of neighbors gathering once a week to watch the latest episode of a forbidden soap opera is committing a political act, and forming, with the market traders who deliver them this treasure, a rudimentary civil society. A recent survey taken inside North Korea suggests that participation in these activities is making people less dependent on and more critical of the state.
None of this means that effective political resistance is yet possible in North Korea. Its police state remains brutal and effective. But similar totalitarian regimes—Romania under Ceausescu, Libya under Qadhafi—have appeared just as impregnable, until they were not. Unpredictable events—a local riot that police hesitate to put down, a change in the health of the leader, the execution of the wrong person, a split in the security forces—can break open hidden cracks in what seems a solid foundation. Exposure to information is a predicate for this. Without it, North Koreans could not conceive an alternative to the present regime, or any way to attain it. With it, their regime becomes just an ordinary dictatorship, vulnerable to the sudden swings of fortune that all dictatorships eventually suffer.
That day will bring its own challenges. The Kim regime cannot “evolve” in the way communist China has because, again, it presides over an artificial country. If its people gain even a bit of freedom, the first question they will ask is the one East Germans asked in 1989: Why should they stay separated by minefields and machine gun nests from a vastly wealthier and freer version of themselves? So the regime must rule as it has or lose a country to rule.
But would an impending loss of power, for which North Korea’s leaders will blame us whatever our actual role, be the thing that pushes it to start the war we all fear? Of course, we can’t be sure. But experience suggests that in their final moments, dictators, and more important, those to whom they give orders, are preoccupied with getting themselves, their families and their money to safety—goals that are generally not advanced by starting last-minute wars with foreign powers. If such a moment comes in North Korea, most of the regime’s security officials will likely be thinking about how to survive reunification (something we should be encouraging them to consider), not how to follow their leader to oblivion. In any case, an eventual challenge to the stability of the regime is inevitable. I would rather face it sooner, while the regime’s military capacity to lash out is less developed, than later when the danger will be greater. I’d rather that North Koreans’ misery end sooner than later, too.
How to Take Down Kim Jong Un
The Soviets had ever weapon we have, still fell.
Hey idiot go back to school and get some real education!Hey idiot read the link. Of course Germany has offensive weapons.White Germany doesn't have any offensive weapons or offensive army. And just like the Japanese, we don't want them to. In exchange, we are responsible for defending them. How do you think these two countries became such strong economic superpowers? Another country has been paying for their defense for the last 70 years.White germany has an army you ******* moron Japan doesnt and they arent white.Yes, you ignorant racist dipshit, we have an agreement to defend "white" Germany and Japan as long as their militaries do not acquire offensive capabilities. You of course see "race" in everything.
Germany to boost army to 200,000 troops amid growing concern over Donald Trump's commitment to Nato
In your ignorant black supremacist racist world, it's always America's fault because those evil whiteys are in charge.
Do you have any idea who owns the Washington Times?
Your article is from July 7. All of those options went out the window when he developed a thermonuclear weapon.
Good article on Kim's weakmess:
By sharing media with family, friends, and broader networks, and by learning to avoid detection, North Koreans are also gaining skills and connections essential to independent political organization. In a totalitarian state like North Korea, a group of neighbors gathering once a week to watch the latest episode of a forbidden soap opera is committing a political act, and forming, with the market traders who deliver them this treasure, a rudimentary civil society. A recent survey taken inside North Korea suggests that participation in these activities is making people less dependent on and more critical of the state.
None of this means that effective political resistance is yet possible in North Korea. Its police state remains brutal and effective. But similar totalitarian regimes—Romania under Ceausescu, Libya under Qadhafi—have appeared just as impregnable, until they were not. Unpredictable events—a local riot that police hesitate to put down, a change in the health of the leader, the execution of the wrong person, a split in the security forces—can break open hidden cracks in what seems a solid foundation. Exposure to information is a predicate for this. Without it, North Koreans could not conceive an alternative to the present regime, or any way to attain it. With it, their regime becomes just an ordinary dictatorship, vulnerable to the sudden swings of fortune that all dictatorships eventually suffer.
That day will bring its own challenges. The Kim regime cannot “evolve” in the way communist China has because, again, it presides over an artificial country. If its people gain even a bit of freedom, the first question they will ask is the one East Germans asked in 1989: Why should they stay separated by minefields and machine gun nests from a vastly wealthier and freer version of themselves? So the regime must rule as it has or lose a country to rule.
But would an impending loss of power, for which North Korea’s leaders will blame us whatever our actual role, be the thing that pushes it to start the war we all fear? Of course, we can’t be sure. But experience suggests that in their final moments, dictators, and more important, those to whom they give orders, are preoccupied with getting themselves, their families and their money to safety—goals that are generally not advanced by starting last-minute wars with foreign powers. If such a moment comes in North Korea, most of the regime’s security officials will likely be thinking about how to survive reunification (something we should be encouraging them to consider), not how to follow their leader to oblivion. In any case, an eventual challenge to the stability of the regime is inevitable. I would rather face it sooner, while the regime’s military capacity to lash out is less developed, than later when the danger will be greater. I’d rather that North Koreans’ misery end sooner than later, too.
How to Take Down Kim Jong Un
The Soviets had ever weapon we have, still fell.
How many of their leaders did we kill?
Do you have any idea who owns the Washington Times?
Your article is from July 7. All of those options went out the window when he developed a thermonuclear weapon.
Good article on Kim's weakmess:
By sharing media with family, friends, and broader networks, and by learning to avoid detection, North Koreans are also gaining skills and connections essential to independent political organization. In a totalitarian state like North Korea, a group of neighbors gathering once a week to watch the latest episode of a forbidden soap opera is committing a political act, and forming, with the market traders who deliver them this treasure, a rudimentary civil society. A recent survey taken inside North Korea suggests that participation in these activities is making people less dependent on and more critical of the state.
None of this means that effective political resistance is yet possible in North Korea. Its police state remains brutal and effective. But similar totalitarian regimes—Romania under Ceausescu, Libya under Qadhafi—have appeared just as impregnable, until they were not. Unpredictable events—a local riot that police hesitate to put down, a change in the health of the leader, the execution of the wrong person, a split in the security forces—can break open hidden cracks in what seems a solid foundation. Exposure to information is a predicate for this. Without it, North Koreans could not conceive an alternative to the present regime, or any way to attain it. With it, their regime becomes just an ordinary dictatorship, vulnerable to the sudden swings of fortune that all dictatorships eventually suffer.
That day will bring its own challenges. The Kim regime cannot “evolve” in the way communist China has because, again, it presides over an artificial country. If its people gain even a bit of freedom, the first question they will ask is the one East Germans asked in 1989: Why should they stay separated by minefields and machine gun nests from a vastly wealthier and freer version of themselves? So the regime must rule as it has or lose a country to rule.
But would an impending loss of power, for which North Korea’s leaders will blame us whatever our actual role, be the thing that pushes it to start the war we all fear? Of course, we can’t be sure. But experience suggests that in their final moments, dictators, and more important, those to whom they give orders, are preoccupied with getting themselves, their families and their money to safety—goals that are generally not advanced by starting last-minute wars with foreign powers. If such a moment comes in North Korea, most of the regime’s security officials will likely be thinking about how to survive reunification (something we should be encouraging them to consider), not how to follow their leader to oblivion. In any case, an eventual challenge to the stability of the regime is inevitable. I would rather face it sooner, while the regime’s military capacity to lash out is less developed, than later when the danger will be greater. I’d rather that North Koreans’ misery end sooner than later, too.
How to Take Down Kim Jong Un
The Soviets had ever weapon we have, still fell.
How many of their leaders did we kill?
The Soviets had them displaced as the North Koreans would, another article, written just days ago about forces determined to taake out Kim Jong un:
South Korea is forming a hit squad to take out North Korean leader Kim Jong Un.
Following North Korea’s successful test of its sixth and most powerful nuclear bomb earlier this month, the South Korean military has announced it’s creating an assassination unit called the Spartan 3000 to carry out night raids in North Korea. Once in the North, the group could be tasked to kill the leadership — primarily Kim.It could go in early and preempt a North Korean attack on the South, or fight in the middle of a war.
South Korean Defense Minister Song Young-moo told lawmakers of the government’s intention to build the “decapitation unit” on September 4, the day after the recent nuclear test. The administration wants the team ready by the end of the year.
The unit is central to a longstanding plan to fight North Korea if necessary — called “Korea Massive Punishment and Retaliation.” In September 2016, the North testedits fifth nuclear weapon, which at that point was the largest bomb it had detonated. Two days later, the South Korean military noted it had the option to kill North Korean leadership, including Kim.
South Korea’s previous president, the hawkish Park Geun-hye, planned to have the unit ready by 2019. But it appears the administration of the dovish Moon Jae-in wants it ready to go much sooner — likely because Moon needs to show he’s pushing back on a more aggressive North.
“I think this may be more in response to domestic pressure on the Moon administration to reintroduce US tactical nuclear weapons than an escalation with North Korea,” Troy Stangarone, an expert at the Korea Economic Institute, told me in an interview. Last week, Song floated that idea in front of political leaders, but Moon has repeatedly said he doesn’t want those weapons in South Korea.
This has been getting quite a bit of play over the last few days, so [the administration] needto be seen as taking strong steps to defend South Korea in the absence of a nuclear option,” Stangarone continued. “This is about deterrence.”
The announcement seems to have the approval of former South Korean military leaders. “The best deterrence we can have, next to having our own nukes, is to make Kim Jong Un fear for his life,” Shin Won-sik, a South Korean three-star general who retired in 2015, told the Times.
The Spartan 3000 will be a modern version of a ragtag assassination team the South Koreans created in the 1960s. Back then, the South Korean military secretly trained prisoners and others to go into North Korea and kill then-leader Kim Il Sung, Kim Jong Un’s grandfather.
But the new unit is officially recognized by the Moon government. And it’s not the only military moves this administration has made in recent days.
South Korea is building an elite military unit with one mission: kill Kim Jong Un
Defeatists moaned and cried we could not face Germany, Japan, and Italy, we would be destroyed; surrender snifflers should hide under their beds. bin Laden was surrounded by loyal forces and nations; Kim, with enemies inside and outside the country, three million iPhones pass a lot of information. The US can, and will take Kim Jong un O-U-T. As long as Trump stays in the background and approves the plans of those in the military & intelligence areas who know what they are doing, Kim will GO.
Hey idiot. From your own post....Hey idiot go back to school and get some real education!Hey idiot read the link. Of course Germany has offensive weapons.White Germany doesn't have any offensive weapons or offensive army. And just like the Japanese, we don't want them to. In exchange, we are responsible for defending them. How do you think these two countries became such strong economic superpowers? Another country has been paying for their defense for the last 70 years.White germany has an army you ******* moron Japan doesnt and they arent white.Yes, you ignorant racist dipshit, we have an agreement to defend "white" Germany and Japan as long as their militaries do not acquire offensive capabilities. You of course see "race" in everything."We either allow them to arm themselves..."
White people are something else.....
Germany to boost army to 200,000 troops amid growing concern over Donald Trump's commitment to Nato
On 8 September 1951, the United States and Japan signed the Mutual Security Treaty, which stationed U.S. troops on Japanese soil for the defense of Japan following the eruption of the Korean War. On 8 March 1954, both countries signed the Mutual Defense Assistance Agreement (activated on 1 May 1954), focusing on defense assistance. It allowed for the presence of U.S. armed forces in Japan for the purpose of peace and security while encouraging Japan to take on more responsibility for its own defense, rearming in a manner suited for defensive purposes.
Germany.
After World War II the responsibility for the security of Germany as a whole rested with the four Allied Powers: the United States, the United Kingdom, France and the Soviet Union. Germany had been without armed forces since the Wehrmacht was dissolved following World War II. When the Federal Republic of Germany was founded in 1949, it was without a military. Germany remained completely demilitarized and any plans for a German military were forbidden by Allied regulations. Only some naval mine-sweeping units continued to exist, but they remained unarmed and under Allied control and did not serve as a national defence force. Even the Federal Border Protection Force, a mobile, lightly armed police force of 10,000 men, was only formed in 1951. A proposal to integrate West German troops with soldiers of France, Belgium, the Netherlands, Luxembourg and Italy in a European Defence Community was proposed but never implemented.
There was a discussion among the United States, the United Kingdom and France over the issue of a revived (West) German military. In particular, France was reluctant to allow Germany to rearm in light of recent history (Germany had invaded France twice in living memory, in World War I and World War II, and also defeated France in the Franco-German War of 1870/71; (see also French–German enmity)). However, after the project for a European Defence Community failed in the French National Assembly in 1954, France agreed to West German accession to NATO and rearmament.
