So, instead you want to shut them up, so you can craft policy that targets them and their wealth, which is actually the wealth of stockholders, many though retirement plans and you can take their money and use it for your agenda with less effort.
The real answer is to the problems of politicians for sale is to vote out the politicians who are for sale.
Why are you trying to put words in my mouth so you can justify your own position?
I'd like to see campaign reform that takes ALL outside $ away from the election process, especially PACs. I would like to see the playing field leveled to give EVERYONE... (D)s (R)s & Indies an equal footing & an equal chance for election & may the BEST person for the job actually win.. not who had the most cashish to buy their way into political office.
What a radical concept 'eh?
LOL.
Read the first amendment. Cannot tell me I can't spend my money to support a candidate I like.
There can be limits. That's what 'reform' would actually mean. At least you are a living breathing human person... much more so than a 'corporation'.
Corporations have always had the protection of the First Amendment.
Not quite.
Appendix 4
The Federal Election Campaign Laws:A Short History
Before the 1971 Federal Elections Laws
The first Federal campaign finance legislation was an 1867 law that prohibited Federal officers from requesting contributions from Navy Yard workers. Over the next hundred years, Congress enacted a series of laws which sought broader regulation of Federal campaign financing. These legislative initiatives, taken together, sought to:
- Limit contributions to ensure that wealthy individuals and special interest groups did not have a disproportionate influence on Federal elections;
- Prohibit certain sources of funds for Federal campaign purposes;
- Control campaign spending; and
- Require public disclosure of campaign finances to deter abuse and to educate the electorate.
This effort to bring about more comprehensive campaign finance reform began in 1907 when Congress passed the Tillman Act, which prohibited corporations and national banks from contributing money to Federal campaigns. The first Federal campaign disclosure legislation was a 1910 law affecting House elections only. In 1911, the law was amended to cover Senate elections as well, and to set spending limits for all Congressional candidates.
The Federal Corrupt Practices Act of 1925, which affected general election activity only, strengthened disclosure requirements and increased expenditure limits. The Hatch Act of 1939 and its 1940 amendments asserted the right of Congress to regulate primary elections and included provisions limiting contributions and expenditures in Congressional elections. The Taft-Hartley Act of 1947 barred both labor unions and corporations from making expenditures and contributions in Federal elections.
The campaign finance provisions of all of these laws were largely ignored, however, because none provided an institutional framework to administer their provisions effectively. The laws had other flaws as well. For example, spending limits applied only to committees active in two or more States. Further, candidates could avoid the spending limit and disclosure requirements altogether because a candidate who claimed to have no knowledge of spending on his behalf was not liable under the 1925 Act.
The evasion of disclosure provisions became evident when Congress passed the more stringent disclosure provisions of the 1971 Federal Election Campaign Act (FECA). In 1968, still under the old law, House and Senate candidates reported spending $8.5 million, while in 1972, after the passage of the FECA, spending reported by Congressional candidates jumped to $88.9 million.
1
The 1971 Election Laws...
1974 Amendments...
Buckley v. Valeo
Key provisions of the 1974 amendments were immediately challenged as unconstitutional in a lawsuit filed by Senator James L. Buckley (Republican Senator from New York) and Eugene McCarthy (former Democratic Senator from Minnesota) against the Secretary of the Senate, Francis R. Valeo. The Supreme Court handed down its ruling on January 30, 1976.
Buckley v. Valeo, 424 U.S. 1 (1976).
The Court upheld contribution limits because they served the government's interest in safeguarding the integrity of elections. However, the Court overturned the expenditure limits, stating: "It is clear that a primary effect of these expenditure limitations is to restrict the quantity of campaign speech by individuals, groups and candidates. The restrictions. . . limit political expression at the core of our electoral process and of First Amendment freedoms." Acknowledging that both contribution and spending limits had First Amendment implications, the Court stated that the new law's "expenditure ceiling impose significantly more severe restrictions on protected freedom of political expression and association than do its limitations on financial contributions." The Court implied, however, that the expenditure limits placed on publicly funded candidates were constitutional because Presidential candidates were free to disregard the limits if they chose to reject public financing; later, the Court affirmed this ruling in
Republican National Committee v. FEC. 445 U.S. 955 (1980).
The Court also sustained other provisions of the public funding law and upheld disclosure and recordkeeping requirements. However, the Court found that the method of appointing FEC Commissioners violated the constitutional principle of separation of powers, since Congress, not the President, appointed four of the Commissioners, who exercised executive powers. As a result, beginning on March 22, 1976, the Commission could no longer exercise its executive powers.
7 The agency resumed full activity in May, when, under the 1976 amendments to the FECA, the Commission was reconstituted and the President appointed six Commission members, who were confirmed by the Senate.
1976 Amendments
In response to the Supreme Court's decision, Congress revised campaign finance legislation yet again. The new amendments, enacted on May 11, 1976, repealed expenditure limits (except for candidates who accepted public funding) and revised the provision governing the appointment of Commissioners.
The 1976 amendments contained other changes, including provisions that limited the scope of PAC fundraising by corporations and labor organizations. Preceding this curtailment of PAC solicitations, the FEC had issued an advisory opinion, AO 197523 (the SunPAC opinion), confirming that the 1971 law permitted a corporation to use treasury money to establish, operate and solicit contributions to a PAC. The opinion also permitted corporations and their PACs to solicit the corporation's employees as well as its stockholders. The 1976 amendments, however, put significant restrictions on PAC solicitations, specifying who could be solicited and how solicitations would be conducted. In addition, a single contribution limit was adopted for all PACs established by the same union or corporation.
1979 Amendments...
Summary
In one decade, Congress has fundamentally altered the regulation of Federal campaign finances. Through the passage of the Revenue Act, the FECA and its amendments, Congress has provided public financing for Presidential elections, limited contributions in Federal elections, required substantial disclosure of campaign financial activity and created an independent agency to administer and enforce these provisions.
Appendix 4: Brief History
Citizen's United has wiped out all regulation dating back over 100 year precedence regarding Corporation 'free speech'.