it was you who said they would, per your proposed system. not
may- would. They would receive it; compliance with that being condition of your system
Are you now officially changing that position and saying you no longer support such compulsion, since JB has enlightened you?
Wrong again. I was merely offering my own conception of an ideal commune; since I don't believe communism itself should be compulsory, as I've always maintained, it seems absurd to suggest that the practices of individual communes should. The only thing you've enlightened me about is your poor reading comprehension skills.
Information can be obtained freely by those who wish to seek it.
Utterly incorrect. Perfect or costless information is nonexistent in the capitalist economy.
If they are not happy with the contract, they can renegotiate it- or do you not support unions and instead support forcing those who work to build successful businesses to bow to those who wish to take what is theirs, denying the businesses the right to hire those willing to strike the best deal?
It's not a matter of "taking what is theirs" in the first place, since capital accumulation is based on theft. Until you are able to plausibly deny that the extraction of surplus labor during the production process and subsequent utilization in the circulation process to sustain capital accumulation occurs, you have no means of claiming otherwise. Do you have anything to offer us except regurgitation of inane rightist platitudes?
To expect the entire populace to be fully informed on every matter is naive at best, and more probably deceptive tactics to manipulate the People by leading them to believe they are informed
That's precisely correct, and an integral reason for the failure of capitalism. But regardless, you are once again derailing your own thread with comments that would be better suited for KittenKoder's thread. You can feel free to do that if you wish, but you'll run the risk of getting yourself lost in a jumble of incoherence, particularly since your comments aren't of the most cogent nature.
Wait, first it was exploitation.. then simply coercion...
We're almost on our way to you admitting that a labor contract is exactly that- a contract, which can be renogotiated.
Actually, the contextual terms of renegotiation are themselves worthy of examination, since asset specificity is a source of coercive exchange in the labor market, and one that might not be completely eliminated in the market socialist economy. There would be an elimination in the non-hierarchical marketless socialist economy and there would certainly be an elimination of other major sources of coercion, such as market concentration.
But unsurprisingly, you've ignored the two interdependent elements that have been mentioned. First, you've ignored the nature of wage labor. Not only have you ignored the unjust extraction of surplus labor in the production process and subsequent utilization in the circulation process used to sustain capital accumulation, you've ignored the nature of authoritarian and hierarchical structure in the workplace that would be condemned as such were it manifested through the vessel of a state. Now, you evidently think this acceptable because transition to other occupations throughout the labor market is an availability (though I doubt you'd claim authoritarianism in a certain country is acceptable because migration to other countries is an availability), but that relies on ignorance or dismissal of the aforementioned reality of a permanent rate of equilibrium unemployment in the capitalist economy, which would thus cause necessary static inefficiency. It doesn't surprise me that your utopian conception of unemployment doesn't contain job search frictions, or any element of labor market failure that's prone to exist in actual conditions.
Now, it's next necessary for you to consider
inequivalent power between laborers and employers that subject the former to a greater degree of coercive influence (recalling what work and subsequent subordination in the workplace is an effective necessity). As noted by Adam Smith,
"in the long run the workman may be as necessary to his master as his master is to him; but the necessity is not so immediate," and as noted somewhat more complexly by Alfred Marshall,
"labor is often sold under special disadvantages arising from the closely related groups of facts that labor power is 'perishable', that the sellers of it are commonly poor and have no reserve fund, and that they cannot easily withhold it from the market." Then consider the observation of Sidney and Beatrice Webb:
[T]he manual worker is, from his position and training, far less skilled than the employer...in the art of bargaining itself. This art forms a large part of the daily life of the entrepreneur, whilst the foreman is specially selected for his skill in engaging and superintending workmen. The manual worker, on the contrary, has the smallest experience of, and practically no training in, what is essentially one of the arts of the capitalist employer. He never engages in any but one sort of bargaining, and that only on occasions which may be infrequent, and which in any case make up only a tiny fraction of his life.
Then return to Robert Dahl's spectrum of influence terms, from rational persuasion to manipulative persuasion to inducement to power to coercion to physical force. Considering the numerous disadvantages of the working class in terms of their sustenance reserve, their lesser skills of negotiation that have been bred by the capitalist economy, the role of equilibrium unemployment in serving as a threatening influence to ensure effort extraction, and the role of extraction of surplus labor and subordination under hierarchical authority in the workplace itself, it seems absurd to suggest that workers are not subject to one of the more negative forms of influence, such as "power" or "coercion." The consistent libertarian will condemn such influence terms.
The laborer seeks the best pay, the employer seeks the lowest cost. It is exhacnge like any other and free entry into such exchange of goods and labor is a basic right of all persons and critical to any system that ios going to remotely resemble a 'free' market in whcih all persons may seek to improve their condition, includuing but not limited to working conditions and the benefits they reap for their labors
The labor contract is not composed of the free and rational exchange of goods and labor, since there exist power differentials between the employer and the laborer, as well as the aforementioned problems of
information asymmetries. Are you not familiar with the agency problems of adverse selection and moral hazard? You indicated an ignorance of principal-agent problems before, so I wouldn't doubt it...but I digress. I never presumed to favor the restriction of the free exchange of goods and services. A socialist economy is merely centered around the more insidious coercive elements of capitalism that don't blatantly manifest themselves.
You have been able to discount any of this, and you merely rely on the words of other- because even you cannot comprehend any way in which such a system as your propose could be stable, secure, and maintain its soverignty while protecting the rioghts of the People or avoiding the tyyrannies I have pointed out. This is why you are unabel to defend such a system in your own words
Nope! Your crude speculation on that topic is merely based on the eventual military defeat of the anarchists during the Spanish Civil War. The problem is that this doesn't illustrate the failure of anarchist or libertarian principles of military organization; it illustrates the failure of the individual anarchists for allying with treacherous mutineers, and it illustrates the fact that the anarchists simply went down with the rest of the Republican army as a result of Franco's military superiority (the Nationalist revolt was essentially a military one, after all). However, this does not illustrate the failure of anarchist or libertarian organizational principles as a whole. For example, we can consider the case of the Ukrainian anarchist guerilla leader Nestor Makhno, the Revolutionary Insurrectionary Army of Ukraine (the Black Army or the "Makhnovists") that he led, and the Free Territory of Ukraine that they defended, which was not as anarchist purist as the collectives of the Spanish Revolution, but still organized in a broadly libertarian manner using effectively republican principles. Now, we should consider the army itself. As put by Peter Arsinov:
For a period of three years the Makhnovshchina heroically cleared a path in the revolution by which the working people of Russia could realize their age-old aspirations -- freedom and independence. In spite of the savage policy of the Communist government to smother this current, to distort and befoul it, it continued to grow, live and develop, struggling on several fronts in the civil war, frequently dealing serious blows to its enemies, arousing and supporting the revolutionary expectations of the workers and peasants of Great Russia, Siberia and the Caucasus.
The Makhnovists did indeed score impressive victories against the tsarist White Army, namely the troops of Anton Denikin. However, they remained undersupplied by their "allies" of the Red Army, since it was a favorite trick of Trotsky's to undersupply them and then blame their consequent failures on their decentralized organizational principles, which he then used as an excuse to undersupply them further. And though their leadership was betrayed by the Bolsheviks after they were declared "untrustworthy" (never trust an authoritarian masquerading as a "socialist"!), their legacy remains one of successful military organization through the use of libertarian principles for a time. Broadly speaking, this would include the use of direct democracy and assemblies of individual squads, platoons, companies, battalions, regiments, divisions, etc. to make organizational decisions on a decentralized level to the extent that they were individually affected, which would mean that the army as a whole would not be managed to a great degree by mass referendum. This would also include the election of officers, who would be instantly recallable and subject to to some degree of challenge in appropriate contexts (i.e. not in a battle).
Geezus Aggie.....cant i leave you for more than a day....every post your in people want to ring your neck....what did i tell you about talking to grown ups?...lets go over it again.....talking with grown ups,is not the same as when your playing with your Ken and Barbie Dolls....and no....Dude is not Jeff Bridges....
Are you drunk again, Harry? Get your dumb ass the fuck out of here and listen to John and Ken. We're working a little above your head here.
You don't know jack shit about anarchists, boy....Just come out and admit it.
Think again, son. My anarchism is merely based on the definition offered by Peter Kropotkin, for example:
Anarchism, the no-government system of socialism, has a double origin. It is an outgrowth of the two great movements of thought in the economic and the political fields which characterize the nineteenth century, and especially its second part. In common with all socialists, the anarchists hold that the private ownership of land, capital, and machinery has had its time; that it is condemned to disappear; and that all requisites for production must, and will, become the common property of society, and be managed in common by the producers of wealth. And in common with the most advanced representatives of political radicalism, they maintain that the ideal of the political organization of society is a condition of things where the functions of government are reduced to a minimum, and the individual recovers his full liberty of initiative and action for satisfying, by means of free groups and federations--freely constituted--all the infinitely varied needs of the human being.
Anarchism is necessarily both anti-statist and anti-capitalist because to be "without rulers" necessitates the absence of coercive and hierarchical authority in all realms of life. Of course, my objection is far more expansive than a mere "moral" one. There are legitimate efficiency gains made by the establishment of democratic institutions in the economic realm, and capitalism cannot facilitate economic democracy due to the role of market and wealth concentration, which bears out Marx's prediction of the increasing concentration of capital over time.
are all self-proclaimed 'anarchists' as contradictory and foolish as agna?
"Contradictory and foolish"? I hate to break it to you, slappy, but your frenzied grasping at straws is rapidly becoming pointless for you. You've already indicated an amazingly vast ignorance of anarchist political theory (you're rivaled only by Dud in that regard, but at least he doesn't write long replies that pose as sufficient responses), and somehow are simultaneously cocky and arrogant about your own ignorance...
as though you've actually accomplished something.
Absolutely not.
I know anarchists...I work with anarchists...I party with anarchists...I debate/argue with anarchists....Anarchists are very, very good friends of mine.
Take it from me, Agnaplebe is no anarchist.
You're full of shit, Dud. Every single comment that you've made here and elsewhere has illustrated your deep and severe ignorance of anarchist and libertarian organizational principles.
Wouldn't matter a whit how broad the voting base is agna. Such things as you describe eventually if not immediately compel conformity at all costs simply because without it the social underpinnings of society collapse and all hell breaks loose. It'd work just fine if we were the Borg or ants but we aren't.
Nope! What I've described is not based on mandated consensus, and the role of decentralized participatory management in individual sectors of collectives maximizes a diverse array of ideological opinions and positions.
When Adam Smith wrote "Wealth of Nations" he wasn't creating an economic system out of whole cloth he was explaining the natural economic order much as Darwin tried to explain the natural biological order.
You'll want to be careful here, since Smith's legacy has been misappropriated almost to the same extent that George Orwell's has. For example, consider consultation of Nolan's
Adam Smith and the Contradictions of the Free Market.
Smith's analysis of the market mechanism was an attempt to lay bare the fundamental laws governing economic development. At the same time that he sought to identify these principles, he devoted scrupulous attention to the underlying contradictions of the market economy. He did believe that the free market was the fundamental driver of economic progress. However, he demonstrated that this driving force contained deep internal contradictions from the point of view of people as both producers and as consumers. In respect to both issues. Smith insisted that the dynamism of the free market economy should be considered alongside its deep ethical shortcomings. He was unable to answer satisfactorily how the latter shortcomings could be resolved, but his intellectual honesty and driving sense of moral purpose led him to display these contradictions clearly and passionately.
You'll also want to refer to Houseman's
The Use and Abuse of Adam Smith:
It is in the area of taxation, more than in any part of the sum of his legacy, that Smith and his supposed heirs diverge the most. Smith favors using the revenue-raising powers of government to go after the "wastrel" spending of the idle rich, and he recognizes the need to tax most heavily rental income, the major crutch of the wealthy in his day, and also wealthy persons' housing. He then proceeds even further by advocating steeply progressive taxes as part of the ideal revenue-raising system. Smith's demand for this structure is repeated and strident (pp. 346-47) and is clearly at odds with recent White House, Wall Street Journal, and Forbes calls (among others) for a flat or flatter income tax
As aptly put by Noam Chomsky,
"as a true classical liberal, Smith was strongly opposed to all of the idiocy they now spout in his name."
In any true anarchy the order of the day will be laissez fair capitalism.
If free markets were existent, I'd agree. However, they're not, and attempts to implement "laissez-faire" capitalism will inevitably degenerate to a state of actually existing capitalism, thus causing a conflict with anarchist principles, since the authoritarian hierarchy present in the capitalist economy is simply a flagrant contradiction of "anarchy" meaning "without rulers." Supporters of laissez-faire don't disagree that such conditions are currently present in the capitalist economy; they themselves title actually existing capitalism "corporatism" or "state capitalism."