P F Tinmore, et al,
The act and establishment of sovereignty does not require your recognition, Arab-Palestinian approval or recognition --- or the documentation by treaty.
ARTICLE 3 --- Montevideo Convention of Rights and Duties of States
The political existence of the state is independent of recognition by the other states. Even before recognition the state has the right to defend its integrity and independence, to provide for its conservation and prosperity, and consequently to organize itself as it sees fit, to legislate upon its interests, administer its services, and to define the jurisdiction and competence of its courts.
The exercise of these rights has no other limitation than the exercise of the rights of other states according to international law.
(COMMENT)
You are incorrect. Your understanding of the meaning "Palestine Lebanon international border" is most assuredly in dispute. As pointed out by the President of Lebanon.
The Paulet-Newcombe Line, more properly known as the Franco-British Boundary Agreements (French Lieutenant Colonel N. Paulet and British Lieutenant Colonel S. F. Newcombe, who were appointed to lead the Boundary Commission) was approved by the French and British governments 7 March 1923. This is the 1923 Delimitation noted by the Lebanese President that I mentioned in Posting #59, supra. This was in relationship to the formalized separation between the French and British territories under Mandate. NOT the separation between Lebanon and Palestine; as it is often mistaken for --- but correctly identified by the Lebanese President. The Paulet-Newcombe Survey Line has been used several times as the southern border Lebanon (founded) 26 November 1941 and released from League of Nations Mandate under French administration and declared Independent 22 November 1943. It became the border line between Lebanon and Israel on the Independence 15 May 1948; and the Armistice Line under the Lebanese-Israeli General Armistice Agreement of 23 March 1949. As noted by the Lebanese President in 2000, "(w)here there are “internationally recognized boundaries” there can be no “de facto line.” The communication is unambiguous. It is the Lebanese Argument that there is an “internationally recognized boundaries” for which Israel has violated. And that Israel or the UN cannot use the argument that it is not a boundary between Lebanon and Israel.
The mistake often made (that you have made) is suggesting that the border segments around the territories to which the Mandate for Palestine applies, with the short-title of "Palestine" authorized by the Palestine Order in Council, somehow confer some special meaning on sovereignty in the relative relation to the Arabs.
Finally, the idea that the establishment of a border, relative to the exercise of self-determination, (what you call "say-so" and the implication you make), is somehow invalid --- is completely incorrect. International law outlines two theories of state recognition, (∆ Key Link):
• The “declaratory” view (much more prominent)
• The “constitutive” view (gaining greater acceptance)
The "declaratory theory" considers the state’s declaration of independence (say so) sovereignty within the territory it exclusively controls. It does consider recognition as almost irrelevant.
The "constitutive theory" considers recognition of a state as paramount; and NOT automatic on declaration. A state is only a state when it is recognized as a state. The recognition of a state is at the discretion of other individual states.
Most Respectfully,
R
The act and establishment of sovereignty does not require your recognition, Arab-Palestinian approval or recognition --- or the documentation by treaty.
(REFERENCE)Here again you are working on say so. The Palestine Lebanon international border is undisputed. There has never been any talks or treaties between them to change that status.
ARTICLE 3 --- Montevideo Convention of Rights and Duties of States
The political existence of the state is independent of recognition by the other states. Even before recognition the state has the right to defend its integrity and independence, to provide for its conservation and prosperity, and consequently to organize itself as it sees fit, to legislate upon its interests, administer its services, and to define the jurisdiction and competence of its courts.
The exercise of these rights has no other limitation than the exercise of the rights of other states according to international law.
You are incorrect. Your understanding of the meaning "Palestine Lebanon international border" is most assuredly in dispute. As pointed out by the President of Lebanon.
The Paulet-Newcombe Line, more properly known as the Franco-British Boundary Agreements (French Lieutenant Colonel N. Paulet and British Lieutenant Colonel S. F. Newcombe, who were appointed to lead the Boundary Commission) was approved by the French and British governments 7 March 1923. This is the 1923 Delimitation noted by the Lebanese President that I mentioned in Posting #59, supra. This was in relationship to the formalized separation between the French and British territories under Mandate. NOT the separation between Lebanon and Palestine; as it is often mistaken for --- but correctly identified by the Lebanese President. The Paulet-Newcombe Survey Line has been used several times as the southern border Lebanon (founded) 26 November 1941 and released from League of Nations Mandate under French administration and declared Independent 22 November 1943. It became the border line between Lebanon and Israel on the Independence 15 May 1948; and the Armistice Line under the Lebanese-Israeli General Armistice Agreement of 23 March 1949. As noted by the Lebanese President in 2000, "(w)here there are “internationally recognized boundaries” there can be no “de facto line.” The communication is unambiguous. It is the Lebanese Argument that there is an “internationally recognized boundaries” for which Israel has violated. And that Israel or the UN cannot use the argument that it is not a boundary between Lebanon and Israel.
The mistake often made (that you have made) is suggesting that the border segments around the territories to which the Mandate for Palestine applies, with the short-title of "Palestine" authorized by the Palestine Order in Council, somehow confer some special meaning on sovereignty in the relative relation to the Arabs.
Finally, the idea that the establishment of a border, relative to the exercise of self-determination, (what you call "say-so" and the implication you make), is somehow invalid --- is completely incorrect. International law outlines two theories of state recognition, (∆ Key Link):
• The “declaratory” view (much more prominent)
• The “constitutive” view (gaining greater acceptance)
The "declaratory theory" considers the state’s declaration of independence (say so) sovereignty within the territory it exclusively controls. It does consider recognition as almost irrelevant.
The "constitutive theory" considers recognition of a state as paramount; and NOT automatic on declaration. A state is only a state when it is recognized as a state. The recognition of a state is at the discretion of other individual states.
Most Respectfully,
R