Litwin
Platinum Member
why Myths.ru are still dominating our free - world medias?
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Sereda spoke with Maria Zolkina from the Democratic Initiatives Foundation, who stressed that there was not one study carried out in the Donetsk and Luhansk oblasts from February to April 2014 which pointed to a separatist or pro-Russian majority. Those actively supporting the so-called ‘Russian world’ were in the absolute minority, and even if you add those passively supporting it, there was still never more than a third who would have supported seceding from Ukraine and joining Russia, she stresses.
While Russia has certainly expended considerable effort and vast amounts of money on pushing the idea that Ukraine is a hotbed of ‘separatism’ and that Donbas was fully behind the Russian-armed and led militants, there are also other reasons for the widespread view that separatist moods were so much more prevalent.
One is the role played by the Ukrainian, and, to a lesser degree, the western media. Put most brutally, the seizures of administrative buildings, the aggression and violence were more eye-catching than pro-Ukrainian unity demonstrations. It also very rapidly became too dangerous to demonstrate pro-Ukrainian sentiments, and, in Donbas, to be an independent journalist.
The other problem is, of course, that the media go on to new subjects and look for easy, and often inaccurate, ways to describe what they did once cover more adequately. This is certainly true of the pseudo-referendum in Crimea, as well as of vital facts about the chronology of events in Donbas. The chronology is of vital importance. There had been attempts from early March by pro-Russian locals to seize official buildings in Donetsk, Kharkiv, Odesa and other cities. Even after they received backup from athletic ‘tourists’ from across the border, such protests still failed to spark ‘people’s uprisings’. It was on 12 April that Igor Girkin [Strelkov], officially an ex-Russian military intelligence officer, and 51 other spetsnaz officers seized control of Sloviansk in the Donetsk oblast, Russian historian Boris Sokolov notes that Girkin himself has admitted that he travelled to Sloviansk from already occupied Crimea through Russia. “It is absolutely impossible to conceive of several dozen armed men just wandering through Russian territory without being asked any questions by the enforcement bodies. There can be no doubt that Strelkov carried out all these movements on orders from Moscow”."
Donbas ‘separatism’: Myth, statistics and heavily armed Russian spetsnaz - Human Rights in Ukraine
"
Sereda spoke with Maria Zolkina from the Democratic Initiatives Foundation, who stressed that there was not one study carried out in the Donetsk and Luhansk oblasts from February to April 2014 which pointed to a separatist or pro-Russian majority. Those actively supporting the so-called ‘Russian world’ were in the absolute minority, and even if you add those passively supporting it, there was still never more than a third who would have supported seceding from Ukraine and joining Russia, she stresses.
While Russia has certainly expended considerable effort and vast amounts of money on pushing the idea that Ukraine is a hotbed of ‘separatism’ and that Donbas was fully behind the Russian-armed and led militants, there are also other reasons for the widespread view that separatist moods were so much more prevalent.
One is the role played by the Ukrainian, and, to a lesser degree, the western media. Put most brutally, the seizures of administrative buildings, the aggression and violence were more eye-catching than pro-Ukrainian unity demonstrations. It also very rapidly became too dangerous to demonstrate pro-Ukrainian sentiments, and, in Donbas, to be an independent journalist.
The other problem is, of course, that the media go on to new subjects and look for easy, and often inaccurate, ways to describe what they did once cover more adequately. This is certainly true of the pseudo-referendum in Crimea, as well as of vital facts about the chronology of events in Donbas. The chronology is of vital importance. There had been attempts from early March by pro-Russian locals to seize official buildings in Donetsk, Kharkiv, Odesa and other cities. Even after they received backup from athletic ‘tourists’ from across the border, such protests still failed to spark ‘people’s uprisings’. It was on 12 April that Igor Girkin [Strelkov], officially an ex-Russian military intelligence officer, and 51 other spetsnaz officers seized control of Sloviansk in the Donetsk oblast, Russian historian Boris Sokolov notes that Girkin himself has admitted that he travelled to Sloviansk from already occupied Crimea through Russia. “It is absolutely impossible to conceive of several dozen armed men just wandering through Russian territory without being asked any questions by the enforcement bodies. There can be no doubt that Strelkov carried out all these movements on orders from Moscow”."
Donbas ‘separatism’: Myth, statistics and heavily armed Russian spetsnaz - Human Rights in Ukraine
