If you actually believe the stuff you write, you are in a special category of clueless. So why DIDN'T the development happen when only blacks lived there?
And if development didn't happen when only blacks lived there, how did the development first happen when only blacks lived there? Did the residents put on white face and trick the developers into thinking they'd accidentally purchased real estate in Vermont?
I'm afraid I am not the clueless one here. So let me air it out. Speedway was developed in 1912 and built to provide residential access for workers in the nearby factories. I doubt if many Now the question is did those factories leave as blacks moved into those communities? and, Why after 105 years is redevelopment finally occurring?
In 1926, the Indianapolis City Council, heavily influenced at the time by the Klan, drafted a residential zoning ordinance prohibiting blacks from moving into predominantly white neighborhoods without the consent of the white residents, and vice versa. Despite doubts among legal staff from the mayor’s office as to its constitutional validity, the measure enjoyed broad support from white civic organizations and municipal officials alike. Proponents of the bill cited the recent decision of Tyler v. Harmon, 158 La. 439 (1925). In that case, the Supreme Court of Louisiana upheld the constitutionality of a New Orleans racial zoning ordinance—a model upon which the Indianapolis measure was based—concluding that, because the ordinance prohibited mere occupancy rather than the sale of property, Buchanan did not apply. The court further reasoned that, because it applied equally to whites and blacks and dealt with “social, as distinguished from political, equality,” the ordinance lacked a discriminatory basis. The Tyler decision was sufficient precedent for Indianapolis officials to act. “Passage of this ordinance,” declared the president of the White Citizens Protective League, “will stabilize real estate values . . . and give the honest citizens and voters renewed faith in city officials.”
Case Study
You do understand what zoning is don't you?
Maybe you read the link to understand how I say what I do.
Unfortunately, successful efforts at residential integration and environmental preservation failed to extend much beyond the neighborhood boundaries of Butler-Tarkington. Instead, many of the traditionally African-American neighborhoods of Indy’s urban core succumbed to the “urban renewal” programs of the 1950s and 1960s. City officials sought to clear “blighted” areas rather than revitalize them, transforming the physical environment at great social and cultural expense.
As government subsidies shifted away from urban redevelopment, suburban sprawl added to the costly extension of public services to outlying, metropolitan areas. Perhaps the most well-known urban residential casualty was the neighborhood surrounding Indiana Avenue. By the early 1970s, the once-vibrant African-American community had given way to the construction of I-65 and the IUPUI campus. Today, only a few historic buildings—including the Madame Walker Theatre—remain as testaments to the neighborhood’s legacy.
What was your question boy?
The diversion of public funding and private investment in downtown Indianapolis led to further decline in the urban environment. Housing abandonment, demolition by neglect, mortgage foreclosure, and declining property values plagued several neighborhoods during the last decades of the 20th century. To make matter worse, many of the businesses that had served local needs—including supermarkets and small, black-owned establishments—closed their doors, leaving residents with limited access to healthy food or basic goods and services at affordable prices.
The Fall Creek neighborhood—bounded by Meridian Street to the west, Fall Creek Parkway to the north, College Avenue to the east, and 22nd Street to the south—illustrates the rapid decline of the physical environment during these years. By the early 1980s, following years of disinvestment, the neighborhood—formerly referred to as “Dodge City” because of its high crime rate—consisted largely of vacant lots and abandoned homes. Although many low-income, minority families continued to reside there, the city directed few resources to help repair the area’s increasing blight.
Again what was your question boy?
The disinvestment of Indy's downtown neighborhoods following the “urban renewal” programs of the 1950s and 1960s not only created a landscape of blight and disrepair, but also left an aging, broken, and unsanitary infrastructure. Perhaps most representative of this environmental injustice was the city's outdated combined sewer system, which was literally flooding (in fact, continues to flood) many urban residential areas with raw sewage.
In 1987, the EPA delegated responsibility for CSO permitting to the Indiana Department of Environmental Management. However, absent strict federal regulations, there was little incentive to comply with water quality standards under the Clean Water Act. And because most urban communities in Indianapolis (as with many others across the U.S.) lacked the resources or political strength to enforce these standards, they were left to suffer from the environmentally hazardous legacy of these outdated sewer systems. In adding insult to injury, the growth in suburban residential developments led to even heavier sewage overflow in Indy's downstream urban neighborhoods.
In 1999, two environmental justice organizations—Improving Kids’ Environment and the Hoosier Environmental Council—filed an administrative complaint with the EPA’s Office of Civil Rights on behalf of minority residents of the Fall Creek and White River neighborhoods (the population of which, at the time, was more than 85% black). The complaint alleged, among other things, that the city—while investing limited resources in new suburban residential developments—had failed to remedy CSOs in the urban neighborhoods, resulting in a disproportionate environmental impact in violation of EPA’s Title VI regulations. In 2001, the EPA accepted the complaint for investigation, ultimately leading to a settlement in which Indianapolis agreed to a long-term CSO control plan aimed at eliminating the discriminatory effects of the city's obsolete sanitation services. The consent decree into which the parties entered in 2006 requires the capture and treatment of 95% and 97% of the sewage overflows in the White River and Fall Creek watersheds respectively.
Again what was your question boy?
Like I said, RACISM is the problem here. But then again, you are a racist so expecting you to admit to racism as being a problem is expecting the impossible.
How friggin helpless are you people? In city after city, neighborhood after neighborhood, as blacks move in, things start deteriorating. Crime starts to go up, trash starts to pile up, weeds start to grow up, porches start to fall down.
It happens in countries, too.
In Africa, after the Europeans left, things deteriorated. Roads fell into disrepair, sewage systems stopped working, water became contaminated, and corruption became endemic. In the Congo, they are back to using only the rivers to travel around the country. The highways the Belgians built have been swallowed back up by the jungle.
Who knows. Maybe the world is better without highways. But it's just weak to whine about not having highways or vibrant downtowns and then blame racism when white people don't come build them for you.
You might not like to hear that, and you can call me names all you want, the simple fact of the matter is it's the truth. Personally, I don't regard city services and real estate values as the primary determinant of human worth, so I shrug and move on. But what's pathetic is you trying to pretend that somehow it's white peoples fault no one in the hood will use a fucking trash can, that somehow I am to blame when you don't repair your broken fence, that the system is to blame when your people just throw household trash into the vacant lot next door.
Free advice: stop listening to black talk radio. It's a poisonous dead end.