- Mar 11, 2015
- 101,834
- 112,492
- 3,645
trump is a racist. It is why he gets undying support from many whites in this forum.
Trump’s White-Nationalist Pipeline
The most enduring scandal in and around the White House might not be corruption, but rather the administration’s constant embrace of bigotry from white-supremacist and far-right groups.
VANN R. NEWKIRK IIAUGUST 23, 2018
trump is only the star player in a White House and an administration that have become a clearinghouse for all sorts of hate-group propaganda. Even an abridged list of the dyed-in-the-wool white-supremacist, white-nationalist, and hate groups that have been amplified recently by Trump associates would require a table of contents. Just this week, The Washington Post reported that Trump’s economic adviser Larry Kudlow had hosted Peter Brimelow, a white-nationalist publisher of the racist website VDare, at his birthday party. Among other extreme positions, Brimelow expressed last year his belief that Latino people are more “prone” to committing rape than people of other ethnicities.
Earlier this week, Media Matters reported that, on his campaign website for the 2018 governor’s race, Kris Kobach, the Kansas secretary of state and the former leader of Trump’s ill-fated voter-fraud commission, cited a fake statistic about crime committed by immigrants. The stat was dreamed up by the white nationalist Peter Gemma, who has an avowed mission to prevent “race-mixing.” In June, the Trump-friendly Iowa congressman Steve King—who’s openly expressed his belief in the superiority of white culture and society—retweeted an anti-immigration message from a British Nazi sympathizer, and hasn’t deleted the tweet.
It would be, at best, naive to accept this steady stream of white-supremacist talking points as accidents. At a certain point, praxis is purpose, and an administration that regularly sympathizes with and amplifies white nationalists must be seen as doing so on purpose. This goes beyond the trepidation around calling Trump or any of his individual bigotries “racist,” and runs into a problem at the core of journalism’s current paradigm. Nonpartisanship has to assume some measure of good faith or essential goodness in order to work; today, some journalists endeavor to create those conditions, bending Occam’s razor to its breaking point. Trump and his affiliates are often made into careless, insensitive, or just mildly bigoted figures, with no connection to a broader movement. And people are fooled, over and over.
But in reality, the pipeline that Trump and his allies have built between hate groups and the mainstream isn’t accidental, unwitting, or merely the product of being repeatedly taken in by grifters. This is what was always promised with the refrain of “Make America Great Again,” a dog whistle that many minorities were once ridiculed for properly hearing.
And it’s clear that this pipeline is a lifeline in moments of peril for Trump. When all else fails, when associates become witnesses and the political clouds darken, Trump is always aware that the live wire at the core of Trumpism—the energies he first wielded when demanding Obama’s birth certificate—will always be there. There’s a hard base of white support that he can always activate by selling the fear that white power will be usurped. Unfortunately for those who might be purged, interned, deported, disenfranchised, or disappeared should those fears be allowed to reign, many Americans are still buying into them, and will continue to do so.
www.theatlantic.com
Trump’s White-Nationalist Pipeline
The most enduring scandal in and around the White House might not be corruption, but rather the administration’s constant embrace of bigotry from white-supremacist and far-right groups.
VANN R. NEWKIRK IIAUGUST 23, 2018
trump is only the star player in a White House and an administration that have become a clearinghouse for all sorts of hate-group propaganda. Even an abridged list of the dyed-in-the-wool white-supremacist, white-nationalist, and hate groups that have been amplified recently by Trump associates would require a table of contents. Just this week, The Washington Post reported that Trump’s economic adviser Larry Kudlow had hosted Peter Brimelow, a white-nationalist publisher of the racist website VDare, at his birthday party. Among other extreme positions, Brimelow expressed last year his belief that Latino people are more “prone” to committing rape than people of other ethnicities.
Earlier this week, Media Matters reported that, on his campaign website for the 2018 governor’s race, Kris Kobach, the Kansas secretary of state and the former leader of Trump’s ill-fated voter-fraud commission, cited a fake statistic about crime committed by immigrants. The stat was dreamed up by the white nationalist Peter Gemma, who has an avowed mission to prevent “race-mixing.” In June, the Trump-friendly Iowa congressman Steve King—who’s openly expressed his belief in the superiority of white culture and society—retweeted an anti-immigration message from a British Nazi sympathizer, and hasn’t deleted the tweet.
It would be, at best, naive to accept this steady stream of white-supremacist talking points as accidents. At a certain point, praxis is purpose, and an administration that regularly sympathizes with and amplifies white nationalists must be seen as doing so on purpose. This goes beyond the trepidation around calling Trump or any of his individual bigotries “racist,” and runs into a problem at the core of journalism’s current paradigm. Nonpartisanship has to assume some measure of good faith or essential goodness in order to work; today, some journalists endeavor to create those conditions, bending Occam’s razor to its breaking point. Trump and his affiliates are often made into careless, insensitive, or just mildly bigoted figures, with no connection to a broader movement. And people are fooled, over and over.
But in reality, the pipeline that Trump and his allies have built between hate groups and the mainstream isn’t accidental, unwitting, or merely the product of being repeatedly taken in by grifters. This is what was always promised with the refrain of “Make America Great Again,” a dog whistle that many minorities were once ridiculed for properly hearing.
And it’s clear that this pipeline is a lifeline in moments of peril for Trump. When all else fails, when associates become witnesses and the political clouds darken, Trump is always aware that the live wire at the core of Trumpism—the energies he first wielded when demanding Obama’s birth certificate—will always be there. There’s a hard base of white support that he can always activate by selling the fear that white power will be usurped. Unfortunately for those who might be purged, interned, deported, disenfranchised, or disappeared should those fears be allowed to reign, many Americans are still buying into them, and will continue to do so.
Trump’s White-Nationalist Pipeline
The most enduring scandal in and around the White House might not be corruption, but rather the administration’s constant embrace of bigotry from white-supremacist and far-right groups.
www.theatlantic.com
Last edited:
.. 
