There was a belief in the 19th century that nationalism would fade with the advancement of the economy, society and culture. There was a sense that cultured people cannot be nationalists. But this concept was disproved in the 20th century. Nationalism only grows stronger as illiterate peasants become aware of their Egyptian, Jordanian, Palestinian, Algerian or Syrian ethnicity, and come to identify themselves as a separate culture. This encourages separatism, the dissolution of multiethnic states and the appearance of new countries.
Vladimir Ryzhkov, a professor at the Moscow Higher School of Economics, talks with Yevgeny Shestakov, host of the Discussion Club, a joint project of the Rossiiskaya Gazeta website and the Valdai Club, about which principles take precedence: the right of nations to self-determination or the principle of territorial integrity.
Shestakov: There are many unrecognized states that proclaimed independence in violation of their constitutions. Is centralized power the best protection from disintegration?
Ryzhkov: Not at all. There are numerous examples where rigid centralization led to disintegration. The obvious example is the Soviet Union, which had a strict vertical power structure right up to the end, yet fell apart very quickly. One of the recent examples is Sudan, which has split in two despite the authoritiesÂ’ attempts to keep the country united. The split has resulted in millions of refugees and tens of thousands of victims.
There are many examples in history of excessive centralization causing disintegration. Take the Russian Empire and its policy of Russifying the Baltics, in particular Finland, during the reign of Alexander II and Nicholas II. A huge Orthodox cathedral was built in Helsinki to symbolize that policy, which was also used in the empireÂ’s Polish lands.
You and I know how that policy ended: Poles, Georgians and Balts constituted the majority of party members and also were the “officers” of the Bolshevik, Socialist-Revolutionary and other pro-revolution parties in Russia.
Russian history shows that excessive centralization, standardization and Russification only leads to the dissolution of the state. The same has happened in dozens of other countries across the world. On the other hand, decentralization, federalization and respect for ethnic traditions help preserve state unity. Before Emperor Alexander III, Alexander I and Alexander II pursued a very mild and highly reasonable policy in the ethnic provinces.
India is the best example of a huge country that remains a viable state even though its people speak hundreds of languages, pray to dozens of gods and differ from each other in a number of other ways. India is the most complicated large state in terms of ethnicity, religion and language. Nevertheless, it was IndiaÂ’s policy of decentralization and federalism that has ensured its successful development since it gained independence.
Shestakov: But there are separatists in India who demand freedom for Kashmir.
Ryzhkov: Kashmir is a special case; it is a disputed territory divided between India and Pakistan. The British planted that time bomb when they were leaving the region and when the modern Indian and Pakistani states were formed. Kashmir has no connection to the policy of federalism; it is an anomaly, an exception to the general rule.
Shestakov: Why are there unrecognized states?
Ryzhkov: Unfortunately, it all depends on chance, because there is no international standard for the creation of such states. The international community sometimes takes diametrically opposite stands on similar problems.
For example, the UN and other organizations have applauded the establishment of South Sudan. They said that its people had the right to hold a referendum and decide to secede from the north in order to create a separate state. The events in Kosovo were similar: the bulk of Western countries said that Kosovo Albanians had the right to form an ethnic state, although Spain and Greece dissented.
A completely different approach was taken toward Abkhazia and South Ossetia. The world concedes the right to independence to South Sudan and to Kosovo Albanians, but denies it to South Ossetia and Abkhazia.
In other words, decisions differ from case to case, and there is no international principle governing the creation of new states.
There is a discrepancy between two fundamental UN-recognized principles: the principle of territorial integrity of states and the right to self-determination. As a result, Kosovo Albanians now have an ethnic state, while Kurds donÂ’t.
There are many more examples like this, but this is the general trend: 51 states signed the UN Charter in 1945 when the United Nations Organization was established. There are nearly 200 UN members now. In other words, a growing number of ethnic groups and nations are gaining statehood, and I think that if this trend persists, the number may double in the 21st century.
Full version of the interview was published on ValdaiClub.com
Vladimir Ryzhkov, a professor at the Moscow Higher School of Economics, talks with Yevgeny Shestakov, host of the Discussion Club, a joint project of the Rossiiskaya Gazeta website and the Valdai Club, about which principles take precedence: the right of nations to self-determination or the principle of territorial integrity.
Shestakov: There are many unrecognized states that proclaimed independence in violation of their constitutions. Is centralized power the best protection from disintegration?
Ryzhkov: Not at all. There are numerous examples where rigid centralization led to disintegration. The obvious example is the Soviet Union, which had a strict vertical power structure right up to the end, yet fell apart very quickly. One of the recent examples is Sudan, which has split in two despite the authoritiesÂ’ attempts to keep the country united. The split has resulted in millions of refugees and tens of thousands of victims.
There are many examples in history of excessive centralization causing disintegration. Take the Russian Empire and its policy of Russifying the Baltics, in particular Finland, during the reign of Alexander II and Nicholas II. A huge Orthodox cathedral was built in Helsinki to symbolize that policy, which was also used in the empireÂ’s Polish lands.
You and I know how that policy ended: Poles, Georgians and Balts constituted the majority of party members and also were the “officers” of the Bolshevik, Socialist-Revolutionary and other pro-revolution parties in Russia.
Russian history shows that excessive centralization, standardization and Russification only leads to the dissolution of the state. The same has happened in dozens of other countries across the world. On the other hand, decentralization, federalization and respect for ethnic traditions help preserve state unity. Before Emperor Alexander III, Alexander I and Alexander II pursued a very mild and highly reasonable policy in the ethnic provinces.
India is the best example of a huge country that remains a viable state even though its people speak hundreds of languages, pray to dozens of gods and differ from each other in a number of other ways. India is the most complicated large state in terms of ethnicity, religion and language. Nevertheless, it was IndiaÂ’s policy of decentralization and federalism that has ensured its successful development since it gained independence.
Shestakov: But there are separatists in India who demand freedom for Kashmir.
Ryzhkov: Kashmir is a special case; it is a disputed territory divided between India and Pakistan. The British planted that time bomb when they were leaving the region and when the modern Indian and Pakistani states were formed. Kashmir has no connection to the policy of federalism; it is an anomaly, an exception to the general rule.
Shestakov: Why are there unrecognized states?
Ryzhkov: Unfortunately, it all depends on chance, because there is no international standard for the creation of such states. The international community sometimes takes diametrically opposite stands on similar problems.
For example, the UN and other organizations have applauded the establishment of South Sudan. They said that its people had the right to hold a referendum and decide to secede from the north in order to create a separate state. The events in Kosovo were similar: the bulk of Western countries said that Kosovo Albanians had the right to form an ethnic state, although Spain and Greece dissented.
A completely different approach was taken toward Abkhazia and South Ossetia. The world concedes the right to independence to South Sudan and to Kosovo Albanians, but denies it to South Ossetia and Abkhazia.
In other words, decisions differ from case to case, and there is no international principle governing the creation of new states.
There is a discrepancy between two fundamental UN-recognized principles: the principle of territorial integrity of states and the right to self-determination. As a result, Kosovo Albanians now have an ethnic state, while Kurds donÂ’t.
There are many more examples like this, but this is the general trend: 51 states signed the UN Charter in 1945 when the United Nations Organization was established. There are nearly 200 UN members now. In other words, a growing number of ethnic groups and nations are gaining statehood, and I think that if this trend persists, the number may double in the 21st century.
Full version of the interview was published on ValdaiClub.com