JOHN FUND ON THE TRAIL
Contra la Agenda del Boicoteo
Not all immigration advocates support today's protest.
Monday, May 1, 2006 12:01 a.m. EDT
Among those opposed to tough immigration enforcement, a split has developed over today's national boycott of schools and jobs. Rallies are scheduled in 68 cities.
Nationally syndicated Spanish-language radio disk jockeys put aside their egos and joined forces to promote the giant March rallies against the House bill that would have declared anyone in this country illegally a felon. Now, however, several are downplaying or throwing cold water on the idea of a boycott to show the economic power of immigrants.
Renan Almendarez Coello, known as "El Cucuy" ("The Boogeyman"), is a nationally syndicated phenomenon carried on stations ranging from Los Angeles to Denver, Dallas and Chicago. He notes that in Los Angeles, six of the top 12 stations are Spanish-language, and many immigrants get their information from radio. They form a much deeper bond with their favorite radio hosts than English-language listeners do.
"El Cucuy" told his listeners last Friday that they should make up their own minds on whether or not to join the boycott, but he said he feared that "political opportunists" were using it for their own advantage. His show played the music to "The Star-Spangled Banner" three times on Friday, and declined to air the words of a new Spanish-language version. "We came to the United States to work," he says of his fellow immigrants. "If we're struggling for dignity, we have to struggle in a dignified way. That means go to work and go to school."
Some callers to Spanish-language radio say they worry about intimidation if they work "gringo" today. "They don't want to deal with the headache of showing up for work and having fingers pointed at them," Sam Pena, a city councilman from Maywood, a heavily Hispanic Los Angeles suburb, told the Los Angeles Times.
Another radio host, Eddie Sotelo, known as "El Piolin" ("Tweety Bird"), also isn't telling listeners what they should do. He vividly recalls that early in his career a competitor alerted immigration authorities that he was in the country illegally; he was arrested outside the studio. A judge at his deportation hearing listened to his story and arranged for a work permit instead. Today, he bristles at suggestions that Univision, his employer, has told its hosts not to mention the boycott. "Nobody is telling me what to do," he says, and he has devoted extensive airtime to the issue, largely to advocates of the boycott.
But some of those boycott advocates appear to have a broader agenda than fighting measures cracking down on illegal immigration. On Thursday, the Democratic-controlled California Senate, by a vote of 24-13, pushed through a resolution recognizing the nationwide protest and calling for granting legal residency to many illegals. "We are a nation of ever-changing laws," declared state Sen. Gil Cedillo. "Slavery. It was wrong. We changed that law." Mr. Cedillo urged his colleagues to recognize the country's "tradition of social change."
Nativo Lopez, president of the Mexican American Political Association, insists the "Great American Boycott" will go on. His group has passed out flyers promoting the event and calling for "immediate legalization without conditions." He opposes guest-worker programs supported by President Bush and Sen. John McCain, calling them an infringement on the rights of those who want to come to America.
But Mr. Lopez has a colorful history that calls into question his bona fides as a self-appointed spokesman for Hispanics. He has long been known as the Al Sharpton of Southern California for his ethnic demagogy. In a 2003 recall election, voters ousted him as a member of the school board in Santa Ana, the most heavily Hispanic city in America, mostly because he pressured parents to demand bilingual education for their children.
In 1998, 61% of Californians voted for Proposition 227, which mandated that English be the primary language taught in public schools. (School districts that have followed Proposition 227's mandate have seen test scores rise for immigrant children.) But Mr. Lopez was hoping to pressure enough parents into defying the referendum so as to render it unenforceable in Santa Ana. The entire Santa Ana City Council, which has a Latino majority, supported the Lopez recall. Beatriz Salas, who immigrated from Mexico 20 years ago, says she was appalled when she and other parents attended a meeting with Mr. Lopez in 1999, where he admitted that his goal was to make Spanish the primary language in California.
In the end, the people of Santa Ana ignored the Latino power structure that stood by Mr. Lopez. He was recalled by a resounding 71% vote. He lost every precinct in a city where almost three-fourths of the residents speak Spanish at home. Having been rebuffed in his hometown, he has now piggybacked on the boycott movement, taking advantage of the fact that most other Hispanic leaders are shying away from it.
Even Mexico, which has long championed the rights of its citizens in the U.S., is worried the boycott has gotten out of hand. Last week, President Vicente Fox flew more than 30 immigrant activists from the U.S. to Mexico City. While officially the activists were told the Fox government takes no position on the boycott, privately they were warned that it could strain relations between the two countries.
It's now almost a given that no matter how large today's boycott is, it will damage any prospects of a sensible immigration bill this year. Rep. Richard Pombo, a California Republican who represents many Central Valley farmers who are desperate for guest workers, warns that the boycott is threatening to polarize the debate. He told San Francisco Chronicle columnist Debra Saunders that the presence of many Mexican and Central American flags at the March rallies by immigrants "really politicized the whole issue. It took away any hope we have of having a workable policy."
The boycott may also have political consequences. Peter Brown, the assistant director of the Quinnipiac University Polling Institute, warns that those who want today's "general strike to pressure Congress in their direction will (find it is) a bust." He points to a survey he took in Florida last month that found that 38% of voters were less sympathetic to the cause of immigrants following the mass March rallies, versus only 17% who were more likely to support their goals. "General strikes are not a U.S. tradition, as in many countries in Latin America and Europe," he says. "The May 1 protesters will get headlines. Whether they get results is the bigger question."
That's why sensible supporters of immigration, such as many of the Spanish-language radio hosts, are stepping back from embracing the boycott. Many of them realize that boycott advocates are also pushing other agendas behind the scenes, and not all of them would help America remain united behind common purposes--a goal most immigrants to this country have historically embraced as part of the American Dream.