Xelor, of course, your precision and logic is beyond reproach, as always; and must be conceded in factual matters. However, we do differ in opinion on this topic where speculations and moral judgments are concerned.
Your perception that my rant did not specifically target you is correct. I was speaking on the overall topic of gun control, and directed the comment to you because I wanted you to understand the context for my replies on this subject, be they to you directly or or others.
To overlook the infringement on personal liberty in favor of the perceived societal benefit is reflective of a utilitarian outlook. This is a perspective I deem sufficiently perilous as to border on inherent immorality. It is no surprise, then, that I reject democratic law outright, as it is rooted in nebulous notions of this ideal.
I should qualify this statement by limiting the context to the application of this principle outward; meaning that it is perfectly acceptable, to my mind, for a person to willingly sacrifice their own freedom to benefit the masses, but it is quite another matter to insist that others do so.
It was reckless to inject speculations about motivations into this discussion, but at some point anecdotal evidence piles so high that to ignore it is rigid to the point of intellectual detriment. The increasing centralization of power in this country since the time of the Declaration to the modern day cannot be overlooked. There is a trend, and this trend - if not reversed - would lead to a social order not unlike those historical examples whereby disarmament led to outright tyranny.
Whether you see this prospect as worthy of immediate concern or not, it would be imprudent to dismiss it utterly; considering that to sacrifice freedom for a small amount of potential security on this issue could very likely be the deciding factor in that plausible future.
An effective revolt, in very broad terms, would be one whereby the people could defend themselves sufficiently to stop outright tyranny from establishing itself beyond hope of domestic overthrow. An ineffective revolt fails in this effort. Combat rifles, for the purposes of this discussion, must be defined as those guns which are still legally available, and would serve best against a high number of aggressive opponents. In other words, those guns which can kill the largest number of people.
It is atrocious that we should be made to consider such things, but remember that I am talking about self-defense, and defense of freedom. I could not assert definitively that combat rifles would be necessary in this scenario any more than could a soldier on the front lines of any war; but like that soldier, I deem it likely enough, and prudent to err on the side of caution.
I concede the points made about the efficacy of gun law and so forth, as they exist beyond the my suggested categorical moral imperative in regard to individual liberty. Most of this does, really, but we can’t limit all conversation to the invalidity of governemental authority Hahaha.
that's a bridge to cross when we get there. You may see us as being near the bridge, so to speak, but I don't.
your precision and logic is beyond reproach
Thank you.
your precision and logic is beyond reproach, as always; and must be conceded in factual matters.
TY. I do indeed place high importance on existential accuracy.
we do differ in opinion on this topic where speculations and moral judgments are concerned.
Well, that's to be expected in pretty nearly any discussion governance theory and practice, ethics, and so on. I dare say the only person with whom I agree 100% is myself. LOL
As I once did re: my folks' views, my kids, until their existence ceases to depend on me, comport themselves as though they completely agree with me -- apparently, they're well aware so doing is overwhelmingly in their best interests, no matter whether to them it seems so -- but I know better than to think they necessarily do so thoroughly concur.
our perception that my rant did not specifically target you is correct. I was speaking on the overall topic of gun control, and directed the comment to you because I wanted you to understand the context for my replies on this subject
Understood. TY for the clarification.
To overlook the infringement on personal liberty in favor of the perceived societal benefit is reflective of a utilitarian outlook. This is a perspective I deem sufficiently perilous as to border on inherent immorality. It is no surprise, then, that I reject democratic law outright, as it is rooted in nebulous notions of this ideal.
I acknowledge there may be an abstract and tiny societal benefit associated with gun control measures to which I'd acquiesce; however, utilitarianism on a societal scale is a miniscule (if at any) share of what moves me to forbear constraints on the distribution of/access to some genres of firearms.
I've never thought of gun control in utilitarian terms. Does anyone? I guess there must be some who do....At any rate, I don't because a hell of a lot of people, more than have died in any given year in the past half century, would have to be shot (and injured or killed) before banning guns of any sort does any "greatest good" for any "greatest number" of members of the community (the USA) to which the control measures would apply. Accordingly, it's just as well to me that you or anyone else construes utilitarianism unsatisfactory as a philosophical basis for gun control measures. If someone comes along saying to me "utilitarianism informs us of why we should implement XYZ gun control measure(s)," I won't leap to rebut them, but neither will I amplify or join in their argument.
Were I forced to comment, I might respond by rejecting/discounting (not sure right now which) the utilitarian argument presented while accepting the conclusion, assuming it's a conclusion having my approbation. I'm sure there are members here who will attest to the fact that I have on occasion agreed with there "ultimate" position while also expressing my rejection of the argument they presented in support of it. (IIRC, that is precisely what happened in the antecedent to this discussion.
While I'm not keen on governments protecting individuals from themselves, I'm quite keen on governments taking actions that plausibly will preserve their citizens' status as living. Thus my philosophical basis for being willing to acquiesce to gun control measures is that it's morally negligent for a person or entity having a duty of care to one or more individuals to take less than the full set of actions it is capable of taking (I don't mean "may take") to minimize the risk that those individuals don't lose their lives. [1] (I know that risk cannot be eliminated; thus I'm not suggesting that be a goal.)
Note:
- As goes measures -- some of which are gun-control and others of which are people motivators -- I consider the U.S. and state governments of being capable of implementing and enforcing, what measures I would acquiesce to and what measures I'd propose, well, different measures fall into each group.
To overlook the infringement on personal liberty in favor of the perceived societal benefit is reflective of a utilitarian outlook. This is a perspective I deem sufficiently perilous as to border on inherent immorality. It is no surprise, then, that I reject democratic law outright, as it is rooted in nebulous notions of this ideal.
I should qualify this statement by limiting the context to the application of this principle outward; meaning that it is perfectly acceptable, to my mind, for a person to willingly sacrifice their own freedom to benefit the masses, but it is quite another matter to insist that others do so.
It was reckless to inject speculations about motivations into this discussion, but at some point anecdotal evidence piles so high that to ignore it is rigid to the point of intellectual detriment.
I'm not asking you or anyone else to ignore the anecdotal information to which you are privy. I'm simply saying recognize it for what it is, rather than present it as more than that, which is to say, rationally extrapolatable to a population of individuals, behaviors or events. The population to which anecdotal information accurately describes people, behaviors and events consists only of the people, places and things anecdotally observed.
It was reckless to inject speculations about motivations into this discussion, but at some point anecdotal evidence piles so high that to ignore it is rigid to the point of intellectual detriment. The increasing centralization of power in this country since the time of the Declaration to the modern day cannot be overlooked. There is a trend, and this trend - if not reversed - would lead to a social order not unlike those historical examples whereby disarmament led to outright tyranny.
Concentration of aspects of federal power notwithstanding, a government has the obligation of doing as much as can be done to minimize the risk and incidence of its citizens getting killed. I don't care whether the 50 states implement ways and means to achieve the goal I identifies in my last post or whether the federal government does so. What matters to me is that there be material, near total uniformity of action(s) taken in all 50 states and U.S. territories and possessions. (Obviously, it's vastly more efficient for the federal government to take the actions, but I'm not fussing over whether it be the federal or the states' governments that do so.)
I think the actions taken must be material and near total uniform because having lived in D.C. all my life, I've observed that, as goes the moral obligation and goal I've stated/described, one jurisdiction having strict "gun laws" and having a neighboring jurisdiction (or more) that doesn't results in an environment whereby the jurisdiction that has the strict laws may as well not. To wit, D.C. had strict gun laws; however, one could literally walk across a short bridge into VA, buy a gun and walk back into D.C. with it and nobody would ever know nor ask because we don't search people moving about the country. (Nobody wants that or is suggesting it.) If one was in a car, unlike walking which fairly well constrained one to pistols, there was no limit to what one could buy and bring into the city.
Now that's an anecdotal observation of what did happen in the D.C. area. Do you have any reason that would strongly indicate about wouldn't happen anywhere else in the U.S. where adjacent jurisdictions have dramatically different gun-related laws?
If you are moved to answer that question, please do so in consideration of my earlier remarks in post 271, particularly but not exclusively those found in the sections that begin with the following words:
Let me set three things straight from the start:
To be sure, there will be some quantity of individuals for whom no law will impede
this trend - if not reversed - would lead to a social order not unlike those historical examples whereby disarmament led to outright tyranny.
Whether you see this prospect as worthy of immediate concern or not, it would be imprudent to dismiss it utterly; considering that to sacrifice freedom for a small amount of potential security on this issue could very likely be the deciding factor in that plausible future.
What I see as an immediate concern is the incidence and frequency of people unlawfully using firearms to kill or injure others who post no imminent threat to the person shooting the firearm. Between that and the prospect of the federal government becoming tyrannical, the former is happening monthly, maybe weekly, and the latter has a swarm of checks and balances holding its advance and realization at bay, notwithstanding whatever paltry -- in comparison to being unlawfully shot dead -- ideals, privileges, rights and conveniences you, I or others may have found ourselves forgoing. So, no, I'm not suggesting one fully dismiss the risk of governmental tyranny; I'm saying deal with the ill that's presently in people's faces, and playgrounds, and living rooms and schools and churches and so on.
An effective revolt, in very broad terms, would be one whereby the people could defend themselves sufficiently to stop outright tyranny from establishing itself beyond hope of domestic overthrow. An ineffective revolt fails in this effort.
Okay, but within the structure of U.S. law and culture, we have available non-armed means of revolting. Insofar as there's no pressing need to revolt at all, not even is there one vaguely visible on the horizon, I think we can do just fine for quite some time without contemplating our readiness to undertake yet another civil war.
Perhaps you see a different level of discontent than do I....That said, even in the 1840s-1860s, people -- citizens and elected office holders -- tried a lot of things before they resorted to armed revolt. Indeed, as I think about it quickly, about the only folks whom I can recall revolting, obviously on a smaller scale than the Civil War, were people/groups who were just too damned impatient and impertinent, and whom today, but for their being our forefathers, we'd probably and rightly call terrorists, even if we agree or don't agree with their motives.
Combat rifles, for the purposes of this discussion, must be defined as those guns which are still legally available, and would serve best against a high number of aggressive opponents. In other words, those guns which can kill the largest number of people.
Okay.
It is atrocious that we should be made to consider such things
Agreed.
It is atrocious that we should be made to consider such things, but remember that I am talking about self-defense, and defense of freedom.
Okay. I'm talking about keeping people, some 10K+ more than are today, alive to bitch and moan about tyranny and whatever else suits them to gripe about. That's not the greatest number of people, but it's a number of people who had no business dying when they did and at the hand of someone who unlawfully shot them in an environment governed by an Executive and Legislature that had not as has not undertaken everything it can
It is atrocious that we should be made to consider such things, but remember that I am talking about self-defense, and defense of freedom. I could not assert definitively that combat rifles would be necessary in this scenario any more than could a soldier on the front lines of any war; but like that soldier, I deem it likely enough, and prudent to err on the side of caution.
You have a philosophy degree, and that tells me that you know as well as I do that "just in case" logic is illogical unless it the person invoking can show that preparing for the worst-case scenario -- that of a tyrannical government taking arms against its people or otherwise wholesale abusing, deceiving, and the preponderance of its citizenry -- is the most sound (qualitatively and quantitatively) course of action than can be taken. Insofar as
between 1970 and 2014, nearly 20% of middle income households became upper income households, and in the same period one percent of low income households increased out of the low income income bracket, it's hard to argue soundly that the U.S. government is abusing its people.
So while it may soothe your emotions to advocate for "erring on the side of caution" as go the prospects of that basis being
sound/cogent, you've quite an uphill climb. That's not to say I cannot be convinced of some or all of your case. It's just that the "bar" is high, which, IMO, for this matter, it should be.