Tom Paine 1949
Diamond Member
- Mar 15, 2020
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Here are excerpts from a thoughtful article on changes in American consciousness about technology and the “Chinese threat.” The article delves into many issues. I hope the discussion is not just another “China is Our Enemy!” pile-on, but rather encourages thoughts about internet freedom, overcoming national firewalls, and different ways technology allows for “manufacturing consent” (or chaos) even in the West. I remind all of Snowden’s revelations, Assange’s persecution, “fake news” and conspiracy mongering. Also, we will surely see new tech in the future, hopefully providing solutions to pressing national & international problems. There is much more at stake than narrow “National Security” concerns, though that is the main thing we hear about today:
Americans are as wrong in their overestimations of Chinese innovation today as they were in their underestimation just a few years ago.
Two fundamental narratives once gave Americans, and to a great extent, other “Westerners,” assurance of their enduring leadership in tech. These beliefs offered comforting explanations as to why authoritarian states like China not only would fail to produce truly innovative technology, but also would themselves be fatally vulnerable to it.
The first of these is the idea that technology — the internet, smartphones, and especially social media — would sound the death knell for autocracies. It might be called “liberation technology,” and for a long time, it was the most common form of techno-utopianism. This emancipatory narrative viewed technology as inherently democratizing. It conceived of the internet as a realm that floated free, above the petty concerns of nation-states, able to act upon politics without being acted upon by them. It therefore had boundless emancipatory potential....
The other narrative that once gave Americans assurance was also about the relationship between technology and authoritarianism. In this one, the “narrative of innovation,” tech innovation is only really possible under conditions of political freedom. Authoritarian states can’t innovate.... All of China’s companies, Americans long told themselves, were mere copycats. China somehow never managed to actually innovate, and anything that looked like innovation had to be the result of IP theft. Americans for the most part believed that one, too, until quite recently....
The emotional nature of these narrative inversions has its roots, of course, in the fact that the U.S. faces, in China, its first true multidimensional peer competitor since the end of the Second World War....
China’s ruling party, the Chinese Communist Party ... [rolled] out a nationwide system that would assign “social credit” scores to its citizens based on online behavior and certain markers of ideological purity.... More troubling still, Beijing was creating a tech-enabled Orwellian security state in Xinjiang in its northwest. In that region, at least, China has indeed tipped into full totalitarianism.
The tone of coverage of Chinese tech began noticeably to change in 2016, when a cascade of stories praising China’s advances in AI, its super-apps like WeChat, the ubiquity of mobile payments and mobility solutions gushed forth from newsrooms. In no time, Americans had gone from open contempt for China’s innovative capacity — coupled with a smug, hubristic faith in their own — to an exaggerated regard for, or even a panic over China’s capabilities.
Even before the pandemic, overreaction to Chinese technology already threatened to undo the enormous good that had come of decades of cross-pollination.... As the Trump administration bans Huawei from its networks and TikTok and WeChat from its app stores, it seems determined to learn only the worst elements of China’s approach to technology.
Fear of a red tech planet — why the U.S. is suddenly afraid of Chinese innovation - SupChina
Americans are as wrong in their overestimations of Chinese innovation today as they were in their underestimation just a few years ago.
Two fundamental narratives once gave Americans, and to a great extent, other “Westerners,” assurance of their enduring leadership in tech. These beliefs offered comforting explanations as to why authoritarian states like China not only would fail to produce truly innovative technology, but also would themselves be fatally vulnerable to it.
The first of these is the idea that technology — the internet, smartphones, and especially social media — would sound the death knell for autocracies. It might be called “liberation technology,” and for a long time, it was the most common form of techno-utopianism. This emancipatory narrative viewed technology as inherently democratizing. It conceived of the internet as a realm that floated free, above the petty concerns of nation-states, able to act upon politics without being acted upon by them. It therefore had boundless emancipatory potential....
The other narrative that once gave Americans assurance was also about the relationship between technology and authoritarianism. In this one, the “narrative of innovation,” tech innovation is only really possible under conditions of political freedom. Authoritarian states can’t innovate.... All of China’s companies, Americans long told themselves, were mere copycats. China somehow never managed to actually innovate, and anything that looked like innovation had to be the result of IP theft. Americans for the most part believed that one, too, until quite recently....
The emotional nature of these narrative inversions has its roots, of course, in the fact that the U.S. faces, in China, its first true multidimensional peer competitor since the end of the Second World War....
China’s ruling party, the Chinese Communist Party ... [rolled] out a nationwide system that would assign “social credit” scores to its citizens based on online behavior and certain markers of ideological purity.... More troubling still, Beijing was creating a tech-enabled Orwellian security state in Xinjiang in its northwest. In that region, at least, China has indeed tipped into full totalitarianism.
The tone of coverage of Chinese tech began noticeably to change in 2016, when a cascade of stories praising China’s advances in AI, its super-apps like WeChat, the ubiquity of mobile payments and mobility solutions gushed forth from newsrooms. In no time, Americans had gone from open contempt for China’s innovative capacity — coupled with a smug, hubristic faith in their own — to an exaggerated regard for, or even a panic over China’s capabilities.
Even before the pandemic, overreaction to Chinese technology already threatened to undo the enormous good that had come of decades of cross-pollination.... As the Trump administration bans Huawei from its networks and TikTok and WeChat from its app stores, it seems determined to learn only the worst elements of China’s approach to technology.
Fear of a red tech planet — why the U.S. is suddenly afraid of Chinese innovation - SupChina