Hum Dinger
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In an address to the nation, Obama also announced he was dispatching nearly 500 more U.S. troops to Iraq to assist that country's besieged security forces. And he called on Congress to authorize a program to train and arm rebels in Syria who are fighting both the Islamic State group and Syrian President Bashar Assad.
Saudi Arabia, a crucial U.S. ally in the Middle East, offered to host the training missions, part of Obama's effort to persuade other nations to join with the U.S. in confronting the militants. "This is not our fight alone," Obama declared. "American power can make a decisive difference, but we cannot do for Iraqis what they must do for themselves, nor can we take the place of Arab partners in securing their region." "Our objective is clear: We will degrade and ultimately destroy ISIL through a comprehensive and sustained counterterrorism strategy."
The president adamantly ruled out the prospect of putting American troops in combat roles on the ground in Iraq or Syria. Even so, Obama's plans amount to a striking shift for a president who rose to political prominence in part because of his early opposition to the Iraq war. While in office, he's steadfastly sought to wind down American military campaigns in the Middle East and avoid new wars — particularly in Syria, a country where the chaos of a lengthy civil war has given the Islamic State space to thrive and move freely across the border with Iraq.
Speaking on the eve of the anniversary of the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks, Obama's plans also amounted to an admission that years of American-led war in the Middle East have not quelled the terror threat emanating from the region. While administration officials have said they are not aware of a credible threat of a potential attack by the militants in the U.S., they say the Islamic State group poses risks to Americans and interests in the region. Officials are also concerned about the prospect that Westerners, including Americans, who have joined the militant group could return to their home countries to launch attacks.
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For over three years, Obama has kept the so-called moderate rebels at arm's length. While giving verbal and limited material support, he and his spokesmen often said publicly that adding more weaponry to the civil war would only make things worse. Now Obama is taking a different tack as he sets out his strategy to defeat the Syrian-based Islamic State, which has declared a caliphate across a wide swath of Syria and Iraq.
He is offering enhanced support and training for the Syrian opposition as part of a plan that also involves U.S. air strikes on Islamic State positions in Syria. Obama himself was the chief mover behind the shift in U.S. policy, said Syria analysts and U.S. officials, who spoke on condition of anonymity. "It seems to me that he has actually changed his mind. All the indications are that he was the main constraint on a more robust Syria policy all along," Andrew Tabler, of the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, said of Obama.
Deciding to expand the American support underscores Obama's lack of good options in Syria, more than three years into a civil war that has killed nearly 200,000 people. The White House has to find a way to destroy Islamic State without allying itself with Syrian President Bashar al Assad, whom Obama called on to leave power more than three years ago. Assad's forces are also battling the group.
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