Trump works for Beijing and Moscow [Collection of evidences]

Discussion in 'Conspiracy Theories' started by revealer2k, Jan 19, 2020.

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  1. revealer2k
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    It is a big deception --- Trump's trade war made China's economy worse, therefore Trump couldn't be working for Beijing.

    But the truth is, Trump actually wants trade wars with all US allies & neighbors, isolating US & giving tremendous strategic benefit to Beijing & Moscow, but because the congress prevented him from starting trade wars against US allies & neighbors, Trump therefore can only start a trade war with China.

    Besides Russia, another major power that made Trump won the 2016 election is a group of elders (former leaders and top officials) of the Chinese Communist Party. These elders of the Chinese Communist Party killed billions of Chinese people and squeezed trillions of money from China, moved their families and money to the west, and bound themselves with top politicians and tycoons of the west. They make Trump work for their global strategic goals, which may be different with the current Beijing authority's interests. They let Trump start a trade war with China, to achieve multiple goals:

    1. The trade war can be a best cover-up, making people fail to notice that Trump is actually achieving the strategic goals of Beijing and Moscow.

    2. These CCP elders belong to other sects of the Communist Party, they use the trade war to put pressure on the current Beijing authority. Trump is used as a tool for a sect war of CCP.

    3. These CCP elders squeezed China and moved the money to the west, and since Xi Jin Ping came into power, the tyrannic control over Chinese people became more and more severe, the social vitality and creativity of China is dying out --- These are the main reasons why China's economy became worse. These CCP elders had been running a "Shipwrecking Plan" for a long time, according to this plan, they hollowed out China, moved all the money to the west, and then they will make China collapse, form another party, and their descendants will go back to China and become the new authority.

    4. These CCP elders actually don't work for the current Beijing authority, but work for their own interests. One of their goals is spreading autocracy all over the world, and supporting far-right policies, to protect their power and wealthy. Trump's speeches against communism and socialism give him the best excuse for his far-right policies, and because the CCP elders want to collapse China, form a new party and send their descendants and proxies back to China and become the new authority, the criticizes against communism and socialism don't hurt them, but actually help them.

    5. To collapse China and form a new party to take the place of CCP --- this is a Plan B. If Trump's trade war subverts Xi Jin Ping successfully, then they win the sect war, they don't need to form a new party, they will let the CCP continue to rule China, but those who control the CCP will be their descendants and their proxies. Or they may change the name of CCP, and their rule over China continues.
     
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  2. TroglocratsRdumb
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    get a grip
     
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  3. Maxdeath
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    Got to give the left credit. They must hand out really good drugs to those that parrot their talking points.
     
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    1. OP, it was a mistake to join this forum.

    2. Trump works neither for Beijing nor for Moscow, he works for American people and tries to do his best to stop Deep State from destroying his country. That's why their Media keeps spinning all kinds of nonsense about him and such fools like yourself keep spreading it around.
     
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  5. revealer2k
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    Trump had already achieved many strategic goals for Beijing and Moscow, I will explain the details in the following posts.
     
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    [Foreign Policy] Trump Is Beijing’s Best Asset

    Trump Is Beijing’s Best Asset

    Among the many themes of Donald Trump’s presidency, his contentious policies toward China stick out. U.S. foreign-policy experts have noted that Trump’s almost three years in office have witnessed the long-held bipartisan consensus on China shift further and faster than in any other period in history, leading to a rapid and dramatic deterioration of one of the world’s most consequential bilateral relationships.

    Though there’s broad political agreement on the need for the United States to take a tougher line on China, the administration’s mercurial approach has led to criticism from Republicans and Democrats alike. Trump has prosecuted a costly trade war against Beijing, banned Huawei’s technology from U.S. 5G networks, and recently placed visa restrictions on Chinese Communist Party officials involved in the extrajudicial incarceration of millions of Muslims in Xinjiang. He has marketed himself as the first U.S. president who is willing to get tough on China.

    But for China, Trump’s weaknesses are more important than his bluster. During numerous off the record discussions with Chinese government officials and scholars, we are finding that an increasing number are hoping for Trump’s reelection next year. At a time when China’s political influence and military capabilities are growing, they argue that in spite of his anti-China bluster, Trump has afforded Beijing the space to expand its influence across Asia and, more importantly, comprehensively weakened Washington’s global leadership. From a zero-sum standpoint, many Chinese have concluded that Trump’s policies are strategically very good for China in the long run.

    These thinkers believe that Trump, by polarizing U.S. domestic politics, damaging Washington’s international credibility and traditional global stewardship, and undermining long-standing alliance arrangements, has presented Beijing with its “greatest strategic opportunity since the end of the Cold War,” as Yan Xuetong, one of China’s foremost strategic thinkers, put it.

    These Chinese thinkers see Trump as a dog with a big bark but little bite. He tested Beijing’s patience by accepting a phone call with Taiwanese President Tsai Ing-Wen, in what the Chinese viewed as a violation of the “One China” policy, shortly after his election in 2016. Trump publicly questioned whether he would stick with the policy before saying he would, but he also said he would have to check with Chinese President Xi Jinping before taking another call with Tsai. Though the administration has greenlighted some arms sales to Taiwan, whether Trump would back Taipei were Beijing to attack remains doubtful, especially given his mercenary attitude toward U.S. military power.

    Beijing has already gained significantly from Trump’s term in office. Despite prosecuting trade spats with India and the European Union, as well as China, the administration has largely given up on using World Trade Organization courts to litigate trade complaints and has blocked appointments to the organization’s Appellate Body. These actions not only get in the way of the world’s most important trade dispute settlement system but also embolden other countries to ignore international law.

    When not damaging global governance institutions and mechanisms that helped establish the United States as the world’s preeminent superpower, Trump’s antipathy toward trade deals such as the Trans-Pacific Partnership has afforded China an opening. While Trump is shredding the cooperative trade agreements that have been central to U.S. international economic policy, Beijing is in the late stages of negotiations for the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership, a deal that would tie China, India, Japan, South Korea, Australia, New Zealand, and the 10 Association of Southeast Asian Nations members into the world’s largest trade bloc. If that agreement is ratified, the United States will be left out of the two largest global free trade deals, the other being the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership, negotiated among 11 countries involved in the original Trans-Pacific Partnership negotiations. This would add insult to injury, as China already trades more with every major Asian economy than the United States does.

    These relinquishments of U.S. leadership in multilateral institutions provide China the space to take a greater role in global governance and in setting international rules and norms. Beijing has taken notice, asserting itself at the United Nations and submitting trade war-related complaints to the WTO, while promoting the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank as a viable alternative to the World Bank and International Monetary Fund. Though Beijing has moved to make the Belt and Road Initiative the unparalleled vanguard project of global infrastructure development, the Trump administration has yet to provide a viable alternative.

    Previous U.S. presidents have recognized that the United States gains strength from working with partners with which it shares values, history, and a sense of purpose. This is no more true than in its approach to the Asia-Pacific, and as Michael Green, a former senior director for Asian affairs at the National Security Council under President George W. Bush, recently said in testimony before Congress, “without allies, we have no China strategy.

    But Trump has taken a starkly different approach, and his rhetoric, actions, and decisions have led countries to question whether they can count on the United States. Trump’s has abandoned the Kurds, longtime partners in the Middle East; questioned America’s commitment to NATO; and let the U.S. post-World War II East Asian alliance network decay.

    As China expands its reach, South Korea and Japan, U.S. allies that have formed the backbone of the U.S. military’s Northeast Asia security strategy for over 70 years, are locked in a bitter dispute that has led them to partially suspend their trade relationship. The Trump administration has largely ignored the dispute, displaying little understanding of the importance of these regional partners. Notwithstanding its long history of disagreements with both Tokyo and Seoul, Beijing has now stepped forward and offered to assist in settling the dispute, highlighting the absence of U.S. leadership on the issue.

    The Trump administration’s lack of diplomatic skill is also evident in Southeast Asia, as the Philippines, a U.S. ally, has drifted toward Beijing in recent years. Philippines President Rodrigo Duterte has made five trips to China and none to the United States since assuming office in 2016. In an all-too-apt display of Duterte’s strategic alignment, the Philippines used Chinese money to build a new city on land that had once been part of Clark Air Base, a U.S. military installation established during the Spanish-American War. These developments come while Beijing continues to ignore a U.N. ruling in favor of the Philippines in a South China Sea dispute, showing just how much Washington’s relationship with Manila has regressed.

    As for the trade war, the much-hyped mini-deal, which included agreements on purchases of agricultural goods and the elimination of future tariffs, fell well short of Trump’s original goal of forcing Beijing to adopt critically important structural economic reforms that would help establish a balanced trade relationship with China over the long term.

    Instead of rolling back Chinese subsidies and improving intellectual property protections, the deal mostly helps Trump relieve political pressure in agricultural states as he heads into the presidential campaign. This is part of a pattern where Trump sets high objectives, boasts he will achieve them, and then fails to deliver. The mini-deal was clearly welcomed in China, viewed as a victory for Xi, and provided further evidence that Trump’s capricious behavior can be tolerated, if not managed. The Chinese will see Trump’s acceptance of the watered-down deal, made up mostly of Chinese purchases that have been on the table for more than a year, as a sign of weakness as he faces possible impeachment and another grueling campaign.

    Though the Chinese leadership certainly finds Trump to be personally annoying, that he largely views U.S.-China ties through the lens of trade has, according to several of the scholars we spoke with, limited further deterioration of the relationship. Trump has pushed back against his advisors’ more provocative and aggressive policy proposals while watering down others, such as the recent Xinjiang sanctions, which many members of Congress wanted to include Global Magnitsky Act provisions. In contrast, several Democratic presidential candidates, most notably Elizabeth Warren, have called for a tougher line on many China-related issues, including Hong Kong and human rights.

    A different U.S. president could, and likely would, take a tougher tack on human rights and use the vast resources of all departments and agencies of the U.S. government to operationalize and execute a new and updated approach to China. Meanwhile, as the bilateral relationship becomes more contentious, many Chinese think that four more years of Trump weakening the United States’ international standing could yield Beijing the space to consolidate its global gains and welcome a new American president in 2025 from an even more favorable strategic position.

    To be clear, not every Chinese scholar or official with whom we talked wanted to see another four years of Trump. Some, such as the University of International Relations professor Da Wei, have argued that Trump’s damaging of both Chinese and U.S. interests could result in a deeply compromised international order and complicate Beijing’s continued rise.

    But those who hope for a second term see an unprecedented strategic opportunity for China in Trump’s destruction of what they view as the key U.S. pillars of strength. By gutting U.S. political advantages at home, eviscerating America’s reputation and credibility abroad, and subverting the heretofore solid alliance structure in the Asia-Pacific, Trump is weakening the United States. In doing so, he is granting China the opportunity to gain critical geopolitical advantages and create a more favorable international environment in which to advance its own interests.
     
  7. revealer2k
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    [Washington Post] The biggest winner of the Trump-Kim summit is China

    https://www.washingtonpost.com/news...gest-winner-of-the-trump-kim-summit-is-china/


    In Chinese President Xi Jinping’s wildest dreams, he could not have envisioned a better outcome of President Trump’s summit with North Korean leader Kim Jong Un – at least as it concerns Beijing’s interests.

    After one day of meetings, Trump agreed to halt U.S.-South Korea military exercises, doing exactly what the Chinese government proposed ahead of the summit. Trump publicly stated he wants to remove all U.S. troops from South Korea, which would be a huge strategic windfall for China. Trump acknowledged that China is busting sanctions on North Korea, but indicated there’s nothing he can do about it. And Trump legitimized the North Korean regime, beginning a long process that will keep Beijing as a key player with huge leverage on both sides.


    “Trump loves to characterize things as winners and losers, and Xi Jinping appears to be the biggest winner of all after the historic Trump-Kim summit,” said Theresa Fallon, director of the Centre for Russia Europe Asia Studies.

    Only a few months ago, the Beijing-Pyongyang relationship was on the rocks. But Xi and Kim have patched things up, coordinated their strategy and now – thanks to Trump – achieved their desired summit outcome. Meanwhile, Trump’s concessions risk alienating allies, undermining the U.S. strategic posture in East Asia and endorsing China’s preferred frame for the diplomacy. In fact, the “deal” that Trump and Kim agreed to in Singapore is essentially the “freeze-for-freeze” arrangement that was originally put forth by Beijing.

    Eroding trust in U.S. alliances is a key win for Xi Jinping,” Fallon said. “Beijing wanted ‘freeze for freeze’ and no joint exercises, which is exactly what Trump delivered for apparently no trade-off whatsoever. So much for art of the deal.”

    Trump didn’t just pause U.S.-South Korean military exercises. He used China and North Korea’s own rhetoric to criticize the exercises, which previously the United States has defended as necessary for military readiness and deterrence.

    ......

    In that same news conference, Trump public admitted he still wants to remove all U.S. troops from South Korea. Trump has been talking about that privately for years. But on Tuesday, he said he aspired to include U.S. troop reductions in future negotiations with Pyongyang.

    “I want to get our soldiers out. I want to bring our soldiers back home. We have right now 32,000 soldiers in South Korea,” Trump said. “… That’s not part of the [North Korea] equation right now. At some point, I hope it will be.”

    Trump also handed Beijing a win in its drive to undermine the “maximum pressure” campaign led by the United States, South Korea and Japan. Trump not only said he would hold off imposing new sanctions on North Korea, he also admitted that China was not enforcing sanctions strictly and then shrugged it off.

    ......

    As an additional bonus for China, Trump has thrown confusion into America’s alliances with South Korea and Japan. Seoul’s Blue House spokesman said Tuesday: “At this moment, the meaning and intention of President Trump’s remarks requires more clear understanding.” The Japanese government, which has been urging Trump not to make concessions to Kim without real complete, verifiable, irreversible dismantlement of their nuclear and missile programs, must be mortified.

    ......

    Blind faith in the sincerity of a North Korean dictator is not a valid basis for gutting the U.S. strategic posture in Asia, calling alliance relationships into question and lifting the pressure on North Korea. If Beijing’s strategic aim is to weaken America’s standing in its region, Trump just did a good bit of their work for them.
     
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    【Washington Post】South Korea is one of the most loyal U.S. allies. Now we’re being bullied by Trump

    https://www.washingtonpost.com/opin...al-us-allies-now-were-being-bullied-by-trump/

    On Sunday, South Korea signed a defense agreement with China. Under the accord, Seoul and Beijing will increase military hotlines and other exchanges.

    Many Americans have overlooked the news. They shouldn’t. This is the most dramatic evidence yet that the Trump administration’s bullying of one of its most loyal allies is damaging fundamental U.S. interests in East Asia.

    President Trump’s demand that South Korea boost its spending on U.S. troops in the country more than fivefold shows once again that he is willing to undermine a long-standing alliance relationship in return for domestic political gains. The White House is asking Seoul to pony up $5 billion for the 28,500 U.S. troops in the South in 2020 — up from $923 million this year. This might please his supporters at home, but it is seriously undermining the 70-year-old friendship between the two countries — a friendship sealed in blood.

    South Korean troops fought and died alongside U.S. troops in Vietnam, and South Korea sent non-combat troops to Iraq and Afghanistan. Today, though, some South Koreans are speaking of American betrayal. On Tuesday, representatives from the two sides started what was supposed to be two days of talks on the costs of U.S. deployment — but the meeting ended abruptly after just 80 minutes. Seoul has already increased the amount it pays for U.S. troops by 8 percent this year. An almost 500 percent hike for next year is almost unthinkable.

    Critics in Seoul say Washington’s behavior is approaching bullying, because it wants to set a precedent for upcoming negotiations for troop costs with Japan and NATO. Foreign Policy magazine recently reported that the United States wants Japan to raise its support for the 54,000 U.S. troops there by four times, to $8 billion.

    Trump argues that the United States is paying too much for the defense of other countries, saying that wealthy allies such as South Korea and Japan should bear more of the burden. But he’s missing a vital point: The soldiers in Korea are there not only to protect the capitalist South from North Korea, but also to maintain U.S. military dominance in northeast Asia, where China’s rising military might threatens regional stability. Increasing military cooperation between China and Russia is another justification for the U.S. military presence on the Korean Peninsula.

    The U.S. military presence overseas serves long-term U.S. interests by defending its allies’ democracies and free markets against authoritarian and totalitarian regimes. The current liberal international order built by the United States, and backed by its military presence overseas, has long helped the interests of U.S. institutions and businesses.

    Nowhere is that truer than in South Korea. Thanks to help from the U.S.-led United Nations during the Korean War, the South not only fended off invasion from the North, but has now become a mature and prosperous democracy, an achievement the United States can proudly cite as evidence of its successful foreign policy. Facing North Korea, China and Russia to the north, South Korea is now the front line of the U.S. sphere of influence in the Asia-Pacific region. If South Korea is left to confront its far more powerful adversaries alone, the United States will lose a vital foothold on the Asian continent.

    What the Trump administration prefers to overlook is the fact that 90 percent of the $10.8 billion spent on the garrison’s construction was paid by South Korea. Seoul also points out that South Korea imported nearly $7 billion worth of U.S. weapons during the past decade, becoming the third-largest importer of U.S. weapons after Saudi Arabia and Australia.

    So it should come as little surprise that a growing number of South Koreans are enraged by the Trump administration. Some even wonder whether the president’s outrageous demand is just an excuse for withdrawing U.S. troops from South Korea in case ongoing negotiations on the cost fall apart. That could be a worst-case scenario for both Seoul and Washington.
     
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    【Washington Post】While we’re all focused on impeachment, Trump is upending U.S. foreign policy

    November 22, 2019

    https://www.washingtonpost.com/opin...d66af0-0ca2-11ea-97ac-a7ccc8dd1ebc_story.html

    While impeachment has been dominating the headlines, we are missing a set of stories about U.S. foreign policy that might prove equally consequential. The Trump administration has been doubling down on a policy of unilateralism and isolationism — a combination that is furthering the abdication of American leadership and the creation of a much more unstable world.

    This week, talks between Washington and Seoul broke down after the Trump administration demanded a 400 percent increase in what South Korea pays for the stationing of U.S. troops in that country. The annual operating cost of the U.S. military presence there is approximately $2 billion. Seoul pays a little less than half that. Trump is asking for $4.7 billion.

    Meanwhile, as the American president ruptures the relationship with one of our closest allies, Trump’s bizarre infatuation with North Korea’s Kim Jong Un continues. Trump has once again called off joint military exercises between the United States and South Korea, even as North Korea has launched 24 missiles this year, all in violation of U.N. resolutions. Last Sunday, Trump asked for another date with the North Korean dictator, tweeting, “See you soon!” The response from North Korea: yet another dis. A North Korean official said that the country is not interested in having “useless” meetings with Washington.

    The frictions with South Korea will likely be replicated with America’s staunchest ally in the Pacific, Japan. Trump has also reportedly asked Japan for a significant hike in its payments to the United States. These demands are not simply damaging to the ties between key allies, they are also based on bad economics. If American troops were withdrawn from South Korea and Japan, they would have to be housed in the United States — where there would be no burden sharing and no contributions from Seoul and Tokyo. Unless Trump were planning to demobilize these troops and shrink the military — he is actually trying to expand it — forward deployment in the Asia-Pacific region makes both strategic and economic sense.

    Trump’s impulse everywhere is to quit the field. He has done so in the Middle East, ceding U.S. foreign policy to his favorite strongmen, Saudi Arabia’s Mohammed bin Salman and Turkey’s Recep Tayyip Erdogan. The American withdrawal from northern Syria has handed over a large swath of the country to Turkey and bolstered Russia, Iran and the Bashar al-Assad regime. When Republican senators complained about the abandonment of the Syrian Kurds, who lost 10,000 troops supporting the U.S.-led fight against the Islamic State, Trump’s response was to let Erdogan show them a propaganda video claiming that our allies were actually terrorists.

    The Trump administration has also given up on support for broad-based norms and values. It withdrew from the U.N. Human Rights Council, ceding the field to countries such as China and Saudi Arabia. The American Civil Liberties Union has charged that the Trump administration has ended all cooperation with international human rights monitors in the United States. Trump’s tariffs have rocked the free-trade system, perhaps irretrievably. This week, the administration reversed the long-standing U.S. position that Israeli settlements violate international law.

    French President Emmanuel Macron was criticized for his recent statement that NATO is experiencing “brain death.” But in a thoughtful interview with the Economist, he pointed out that Trump’s policy on Syria was undertaken with no coordination with fellow NATO members. Europe’s interests in the Middle East are potentially greater than Washington’s — refugees flood into Europe, not the United States — and yet the Trump administration blindsided its allies across the Atlantic.

    Macron believes that Europe faces an unprecedented challenge in Trump: “We find ourselves for the first time with an American president who doesn’t share our idea of the European project.” He noted that Trump often distances himself from Europe’s defense even against Islamist terrorism: “When he says, ‘It’s their problem, not mine’ — we must hear what he’s saying...... I am no longer prepared to pay for and guarantee a security system for them, and so just ‘wake up.’?” It is ironic and tragic that Europeans believe they are alone in their fight against Islamist terrorism, given that the only time in history that NATO invoked Article 5 — an attack on one is an attack on all — was in response to the 9/11 attacks on New York and Washington.

    It’s often said that Iran, Russia and China are rogue regimes whose actions are destroying the rules-based international system the United States built and maintained over the past 75 years. And those countries have certainly engaged in actions that are illiberal and irresponsible. But the greatest threat to the liberal international order right now is surely the Trump administration, which is systematically weakening the alliances that have maintained peace and stability and rejecting the rules and norms that have helped set some standards in international life.
     
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    [The New York Times]She Extols Trump, Guns and the Chinese Communist Party Line

    She Extols Trump, Guns and the Chinese Communist Party Line

    JUPITER, Fla. — The Republican National Committee promised an “evening reception with Donald J. Trump” last March at his Mar-a-Lago resort in Palm Beach, Fla.

    A contribution of $2,700 toward the president’s re-election would get you in the door. Two seats for dinner were on offer for $25,000. And there was a third option: for $50,000, dinner for two and a photo with Mr. Trump.

    Cindy Yang was determined to get the photo.

    But there was a hurdle. The invitation limited campaign contributions to $5,400 per person, so Ms. Yang, a Chinese immigrant who had set up a string of day spas in Florida and was active in groups backed by the Chinese government and Communist Party, needed others to chip in.

    Over the weeks leading up to the event, at least nine people in Ms. Yang’s orbit, some of them with modest incomes, made donations at exactly $5,400. She ended up at the dinner.

    Ms. Yang was little known outside southern Florida until her name became associated with the arrest last month of Robert K. Kraft, the owner of the New England Patriots, in a prostitution sting at a Jupiter massage parlor. The Miami Herald first reported that she had previously owned that parlor.

    Though she was not charged or implicated in the sting, her other business efforts have since come under public scrutiny. One promised rich Chinese clients access to the social scene around Mr. Trump — and was promoted online with pictures of cabinet members, the Trump family and even the president himself.

    One of the $5,400 political donations came from a 25-year-old woman who gives facials at a beauty school, in a strip mall in nearby Palm Beach Gardens that is owned by Ms. Yang’s family. Another $5,400 came from a woman who says she worked as a receptionist at a massage parlor owned by Ms. Yang’s husband. A third gift of $5,400 came from an associate of Ms. Yang’s who had been charged in 2014 after a prostitution sting with practicing health care without a license, police records show.

    The receptionist, Bingbing Peranio, listed as a “manager” on her disclosure, spoke with a reporter about her relationship with Ms. Yang. She described herself as a big fan of Mr. Trump’s and said Ms. Yang, a registered Republican, was seen as a leader among Asian-American Republicans in Florida.

    Ms. Peranio said Ms. Yang had come to the spa where she worked at the time and helped fill out the check toward the president’s campaign. “I can’t say she was pushing me or not pushing me, but I worked there then,” she said, speaking at her home in Jupiter. “I was working there. I didn’t say no.”

    Asked if Ms. Yang had reimbursed her for the $5,400, Ms. Peranio said, “I do not want to answer that question.” Reimbursing someone for a political contribution or contributing in the name of another person is illegal.

    The other contributors declined to be interviewed or did not respond to requests for comment.

    It is rare for workers in the massage and spa business to support candidates for office at such high-dollar levels, according to an analysis of Federal Election Commission records. In 2017 and 2018, of the nearly 65,000 donations made by people listed as massage therapists on F.E.C. disclosures, only two gave the maximum $5,400, including one of the Trump donors connected to Ms. Yang.

    Ms. Yang, contacted by The New York Times, declined to discuss the contributions or her attendance at the Mar-a-Lago event. Her lawyer, Evan W. Turk, did not respond to questions about the donations but said in a statement to the media on Thursday that “the evidence indicates that our client has been falsely accused,” without providing further detail.

    A spokesman for the Republican National Committee denied “any wrongdoing on behalf of the R.N.C. or Trump campaign.”

    “We only accept donations in accordance with the law,” the spokesman said in a statement. “If we do see any evidence of illegal contributions, we report it to the proper authorities. If we were notified by the authorities that a donation were illegal, we would return the money.”

    In addition to the spa workers, the federal records show three relatives of Ms. Yang — including her husband and her mother — and two business associates who donated $5,400. In total, the donations from Ms. Yang and the others came to at least $54,000.

    Ms. Yang got her photo with the president, which she received in the mail signed by Mr. Trump in silver ink. She posted it to Facebook on March 22 and to her company’s website, which has since been taken down.

    ......

    Ms. Yang, who attended the inauguration, started a company — GY US Investments — that promised Chinese businesspeople access to American politicians, including Mr. Trump. Clients were offered entry to events, including White House visits, “VIP activities at Mar-a-Lago” and Warren Buffett’s annual meeting of Berkshire Hathaway shareholders.

    ......

    In the past few years, Ms. Yang also began forging ties with organizations connected to the Chinese Communist Party and the government in Beijing.

    In 2016, she joined the Florida Association for China Unification, part of a global network of organizations aimed at promoting the return of Taiwan to mainland control, a connection first reported by Mother Jones. Such groups fall under the oversight of the Chinese Communist Party’s United Front Work Department, which seeks to enlist the vast ethnic Chinese diaspora to promote Beijing’s policies.

    Li Qiangmin, the Chinese consul general in Houston, attended the Florida group’s opening ceremony, timed just before Taiwan’s president made a stopover in Miami. Ms. Yang served as a vice president of the association, according to a former officer in the group who asked to remain anonymous.

    The group’s founding president, Qu Xianqin, sat next to the consul general and seems to be active in politics. She was at Jeb Bush’s campaign launch in 2015 as well, and appeared on a list of Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders endorsing President Barack Obama’s re-election in 2012.

    Ms. Yang also joined the Florida branch of the China Association for Science and Technology, a nongovernmental organization affiliated with China’s Ministry of Science and Technology, according to James Mulvenon, an expert on China’s intelligence capabilities.

    “It is an organization explicitly designed to facilitate cooperation with the Chinese government,” Mr. Mulvenon said.

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    A photo of Cindy Yang with the president at Mar-a-Lago in Florida last year. Ms. Yang, a Trump donor, once owned a massage parlor where the New England Patriots owner was recently arrested in a prostitution sting

    Cindy Yang once owned the Florida massage parlor where Robert Kraft was arrested in a prostitution sting. Now she promises access to the president and raises money for him.

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