RUMSFELD's WAR

Discussion in 'Middle East - General' started by Superlative, Apr 6, 2007.

  1. Superlative
    Offline

    Superlative Senior Member

    Joined:
    Mar 13, 2007
    Messages:
    1,382
    Thanks Received:
    109
    Trophy Points:
    48
    Ratings:
    +109
    Only PBS can get away with this kind of thing, cause they are publicly funded, and they dont have to cater to advertisers. God Bless PBS, not that i believe in god or anything, but if there was a god, he would watch PBS, I assume

    You have to watch it. well, you dont have to, but it basically shows Rumsfeld manipulating things to start a war.

    http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/shows/pentagon/view/


    In "Rumsfeld's War," FRONTLINE and The Washington Post join forces for the first time to investigate Donald Rumsfeld's contentious battle with the Pentagon bureaucracy to assert civilian control of the military and remake the way America fights.

    This report traces Donald Rumsfeld's career from his time as an adviser to President Nixon to his rise as the oft-seen and well-known face of the George W. Bush administration during the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. In interviews with key administration officials, military leaders, and reporters from The Washington Post, the documentary examines how a secretary of defense bent on reform became a secretary of war accused of ignoring the advice of his generals.

    http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/shows/pentagon/view/
     
  2. Superlative
    Offline

    Superlative Senior Member

    Joined:
    Mar 13, 2007
    Messages:
    1,382
    Thanks Received:
    109
    Trophy Points:
    48
    Ratings:
    +109
    February 2003

    As the military mobilizes for a war in Iraq, the internal debate being waged in the Pentagon over troop size becomes public. Army Chief of Staff Gen. Eric Shinseki testifies before the Senate Armed Services Committee that he believes at least "several hundred thousand troops" are necessary to remove Hussein and secure Iraq. But the Pentagon civilian hawks, including Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, think the number needed could be far lower and they try to discredit Shinseki. Ultimately, the war plan calls for 140,000 troops, a number between the two opposing estimates.



    "...the secretary's critics allege that Rumsfeld's push for unconventional thinking effectively marginalized advice about troop strength."

    "....Being stubborn, holding to your convictions is good to a point, but when the evidence around you indicates your position is not tenable, then you ought to start adapting to the situation,"

    That stubbornness, some officers say, led Rumsfeld to put the military in the difficult position of fighting in simultaneous conflicts against an unconventional enemy.

    With mounting casualties in Iraq and without a clear exit strategy in either Iraq or Afghanistan, Rumsfeld's critics charge the secretary has pushed too far. The danger, they say, is a military incapable of effectively fighting the next major conflict.

    http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/shows/pentagon/etc/cronfeld.html
     
  3. Superlative
    Offline

    Superlative Senior Member

    Joined:
    Mar 13, 2007
    Messages:
    1,382
    Thanks Received:
    109
    Trophy Points:
    48
    Ratings:
    +109
    1997
    The Rumsfeld Commission's report, released in July 1998, finds that the risk of a missile attack against the U.S. is greater than the intelligence agencies had reported. The report claims that some countries will be able to "inflict major destruction" on the U.S. within five years of deciding to do so. It goes on to name three countries in particular - Iran, Iraq and North Korea - as the countries most dangerous to U.S. safety because they appear to be developing nuclear weapons.

    On Jan. 26, 1998, the "Project for a New American Century", a conservative think tank based in Washington, makes public a letter to President Clinton calling for the removal of Saddam Hussein from power. It is signed by 18 people, among them prominent members of the future Bush administration: Paul Wolfowitz, Richard Armitage, Richard Perle and Don Rumsfeld.

    In what is no doubt a response to public pressure created by the letter, President Clinton signs a bill in late-1998 authorizing up to $97 million to Iraqi opposition forces "to remove the regime headed by Saddam Hussein" and "promote the emergence of a democratic government." "Though not widely understood," writes Bob Woodward, in his book Plan of Attack, "the baseline policy was clearly 'regime change'."

    http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/shows/pentagon/etc/cronfeld.html
     
  4. Superlative
    Offline

    Superlative Senior Member

    Joined:
    Mar 13, 2007
    Messages:
    1,382
    Thanks Received:
    109
    Trophy Points:
    48
    Ratings:
    +109
    January - August 2001

    Immediately after taking office, Rumsfeld begins to reassert civilian control over the Pentagon, a department that had been run by the uniform military in recent years. "It was a pretty tough process," says Thomas Ricks, "A lot of friction in those first months, with Rumsfeld saying, 'No, I don't think you heard me clearly. I'm the boss. I want to do it this way'." He undertakes an exhaustive review of all of the military's contingency plans and personally interviews candidates for promotion at the highest levels. Says Ricks, "[There was] a lot of resentment of that in the military."


    http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/shows/pentagon/etc/cronfeld.html
     
  5. Superlative
    Offline

    Superlative Senior Member

    Joined:
    Mar 13, 2007
    Messages:
    1,382
    Thanks Received:
    109
    Trophy Points:
    48
    Ratings:
    +109
    When a terrorist-hijacked plane plows into the Pentagon on the morning of Sept. 11, 2001

    Discussion of attacking Iraq is tabled - temporarily; instead, the U.S. will go after the bin Laden-backed Taliban regime in Afghanistan. But the attacks against the U.S. prove to Rumsfeld that more than ever, transforming the military is a necessity.

    Oct. 7, 2001

    Less than a month after the 9/11 attacks, about 100 CIA paramilitary officers arrive in Afghanistan as part of a covert war plan developed by the CIA. Temporarily, Rumsfeld and the U.S. Army are sidelined because the Joint Chiefs have given Rumsfeld a war plan for Afghanistan that would take too long to execute and would employ too many ground troops. The CIA's plan, on the other hand is creative, light and nimble -- and seems the epitome of military "transformation."

    Although the Army is out, Rumsfeld manages to get Special Forces included in the war plan. And he reasserts his power by giving daily, televised press conferences about the war's progress. The secretary's straightforwardness, along with his personal charm, makes him a temporary media celebrity. The briefings also make clear that Rumsfeld, not the uniformed military, is in charge. "You see the contrast to the first Gulf War," says James Mann. "This time the secretary of defense is the guy at the podium and the chairman of the Joint Chiefs is the guy who is kind of in uniform, sort of standing behind nodding. But Rumsfeld is the driving force."

    http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/shows/pentagon/etc/cronfeld.html
     
  6. Superlative
    Offline

    Superlative Senior Member

    Joined:
    Mar 13, 2007
    Messages:
    1,382
    Thanks Received:
    109
    Trophy Points:
    48
    Ratings:
    +109
    November 2001

    Even as the war in Afghanistan continues, the president's cabinet begins looking at possible military action against other countries. Since the previous winter, Rumsfeld has been personally redrafting all of America's contingency plans, which he feels are out-of-date, including the plan for invading Iraq. When President Bush asks Rumsfeld just before Thanksgiving 2001 to secretly begin drawing up a new war plan for Iraq, Rumsfeld is prepared.


    January - September 2002

    Beginning with the president's State of the Union Address in January 2002 and culminating with the release of the new National Security Strategy in September 2002, the Bush administration begins laying out a new hardline foreign policy, known as the Bush Doctrine. Its centerpiece is the policy of pre-emptive action. Rumsfeld explains the new policy in a January 2002 speech: "Defending against terrorism and other emerging 21st century threats requires that we take the war to the enemy. The best and in some cases the only defense is a good offense."

    March 2003
    On Mar. 19, the U.S. invades Iraq; three weeks later, Baghdad falls. "I think the plan was less transformational and daring than Rumsfeld hoped it would be," says Thomas Ricks, "It was a hybrid. It was a lot of the old and some of the new, probably more of the old than Rumsfeld would like to acknowledge."
     
  7. Superlative
    Offline

    Superlative Senior Member

    Joined:
    Mar 13, 2007
    Messages:
    1,382
    Thanks Received:
    109
    Trophy Points:
    48
    Ratings:
    +109
    In April 2004, Seymour Hersh and CBS break the story on the shocking abuse of Iraqi detainees at the Abu Ghraib prison. There are calls for Rumsfeld's resignation, even his removal. Then in August 2004, two former Secretaries of Defense, James Schlessinger and Harold Brown, weigh in. Their report on Abu Ghraib finds that circulated policy memos indirectly led to some of the nonviolent and nonsexual abuse at Abu Ghraib. "I think he must have been a little surprised when he read the Schlesinger report to see his peers, a couple of former Secretaries of Defense, weigh against him and find him wanting," says the Washington Post's Thomas Ricks. "…But the report was broader than that. It faulted the entire handling of Iraq in that crucial period as the insurgency developed and developed into a full-blown opposition to the U.S. presence in Iraq."

    By the autumn of 2004, 135,000 U.S. troops remain in Iraq. The initial uncontrolled looting and widespread civil unrest that erupted soon after the spring 2003 invasion has now spawned a large insurgency against coalition forces and the U.S.-backed Iraqi government. With mounting casualties in Iraq and without a clear exit strategy in either Iraq or Afghanistan, Rumsfeld's critics charge the secretary has pushed too far. The danger, they say, is a military incapable of effectively fighting the next major conflict.

    http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/shows/pentagon/etc/cronfeld.html
     
  8. dilloduck
    Offline

    dilloduck Diamond Member

    Joined:
    May 8, 2004
    Messages:
    53,240
    Thanks Received:
    5,552
    Trophy Points:
    1,850
    Location:
    Austin, TX
    Ratings:
    +6,403
    And the problem is?
     
  9. Superlative
    Offline

    Superlative Senior Member

    Joined:
    Mar 13, 2007
    Messages:
    1,382
    Thanks Received:
    109
    Trophy Points:
    48
    Ratings:
    +109
  10. Superlative
    Offline

    Superlative Senior Member

    Joined:
    Mar 13, 2007
    Messages:
    1,382
    Thanks Received:
    109
    Trophy Points:
    48
    Ratings:
    +109

    "The Dark Side"


    http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/darkside/view/


    In "The Dark Side," FRONTLINE tells the story of the vice president's role as the chief architect of the war on terror, and his battle with Director of Central Intelligence George Tenet for control of the "dark side." Drawing on more than 40 interviews and thousands of documents, the film provides a step-by-step examination of what happened inside the councils of war.



    "A lot of what needs to be done here will have to be done quietly, without any discussion, using sources and methods that are available to our intelligence agencies," Cheney told Americans just after 9/11. He warned the public that the government would have to operate on the "dark side."


    Early in the Bush administration, Cheney placed a group of allies throughout the government who advocated a robust and pre-emptive foreign policy, especially regarding Iraq. But a potential obstacle was Tenet, a holdover from the Clinton administration who had survived the transition by bypassing Cheney and creating a personal bond with the president.

    After the attacks on 9/11, Cheney seized the initiative and pushed for expanding presidential power, transforming America's intelligence agencies and bringing the war on terror to Iraq. Cheney's primary ally in this effort was Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld.

    "You have this wiring diagram that we all know of about national security, but now there's a new line on it. There's a line from the vice president directly to the secretary of defense, and it's as though there's a private line, private communication between those two," former National Security Council staffer Richard Clarke tells FRONTLINE.

    In the initial stages of the war on terror, Tenet's CIA was rising to prominence as the lead agency in the Afghanistan war. But when Tenet insisted in his personal meetings with the president that there was no connection between Al Qaeda and Iraq, Cheney and Rumsfeld initiated a secret program to re-examine the evidence and marginalize the agency and Tenet. Through interviews with DoD staffers who sifted through mountains of raw intelligence, FRONTLINE details how questionable intelligence was "stovepiped" to the vice president and presented to the public.

    From stories of Iraq buying yellowcake uranium from Niger to claims that 9/11 hijacker Mohamed Atta had met with an Iraqi agent in Prague, "The Dark Side" dissects the now-familiar assertions that led the nation to war. The program also receounts the vice president's unprecedented visits to the CIA, where he questioned mid-level analysts on their conclusions. CIA officers who were there at the time say the message was clear: Cheney wanted evidence that Iraq was a threat.

    At the center of the administration's case for war was a classified October 2002 National Intelligence Estimate that found evidence of an Iraqi weapons of mass destruction program. But Paul Pillar, one of the report's principal authors, now admits to FRONTLINE that the NIE was written quickly in a highly politicized environment, one in which the decision to go to war had already been made. Pillar also reveals that he regrets participating in writing a subsequent public "white paper" on Iraqi WMD. "What was the purpose of it? The purpose was to strengthen the case for going to war with the American public. Is it proper for the intelligence community to publish papers for that purpose? I don't think so, and I regret having had a role in it," Pillar says.

    For the first time, FRONTLINE tells of George Tenet's personal struggle in the run-up to the Iraq war through the accounts of his closest advisers.

    "He, I think, asked himself whether or not he wanted to continue on that road and to be part of it. And I think there was a lot of agonizing that George went through about what would be in the best interest of the country and national interest, or whether or not he would stay in that position and continue along a course that I think he had misgivings about," says John Brennan, former deputy executive director of the CIA.

    Tenet chose to stay, but after the failure to find Iraqi WMD, the tension between the agency and Cheney's allies grew to the point that some in the administration believed the CIA had launched a covert war to undermine the president. In response, Cheney's office waged a campaign to distance itself from the prewar intelligence the vice president had helped to cultivate. Under pressure, Tenet resigned. Cheney's chief of staff, Scooter Libby, would later admit to leaking key sections of the NIE -- authorized, he says, by Cheney. Libby also stated that the vice president told him that President Bush had declassified the material. Insiders tell FRONTLINE that the leak was part of the battle between the vice president and the CIA -- a battle that many believe has destroyed the CIA.
     

Share This Page