Negotiation between the Italian State and the Cosa Nostra - (Mafia)

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The negotiations between the Italian State and the Cosa Nostra (more commonly called negotiation state-mafia) has entertained the idea of ​​a negotiation between some politicians and the organization Cosa Nostra, initially through the vertices of the special operations group of the police: this negotiation would be developed during the massacres of 1992-1993 to reach an agreement which provided for the end of the season mass murderer in exchange for an abolition of the Law on collaborators of justice and an attenuation of custodial measures provided for in Article 41bis. The hypothesis is currently the subject of criminal investigations and investigative journalism.

In September-October 1991 during some of the meetings of the " Regional Committee " of the Cosa Nostra took place near Enna and presided over by the boss Salvatore Riina , it was decided to initiate terrorist actions against the Italian state that had to be claimed with the initials " Phalanx Army " ; soon after, in December 1991 , a meeting took place of the " Provincial Commission " , chaired by Riina always , it was decided to strike in particular the judges Giovanni Falcone and Paolo Borsellino , but also the political Salvo Lima , Calogero Mannino , Claudio Martelli , Salvo He went and Sebastian Purpura . In fact, January 30, 1992 the Supreme Court upheld the judgment which condemned the Maxi Riina and many other bosses to life imprisonment ; following the judgment , the "Commission" regional and provincial decided to start the season already designed stragista : March 12, 1992 Mr Salvo Lima was killed on the eve of the elections and claimed the murder with the initials " Falange Armata "
In the period following the murder Lima, Mr Calogero Mannino got in touch with the Carabinieri General Antonio Subranni (then commander of the ROS) through the Marshal Julian Guazzelli; In fact Mannino had received death threats and was afraid of being killed in turn. However, April 4, 1992 Guazzelli the marshal was killed along the road-Agrigento Porto Empedocles and the murder was claimed by the abbreviation "Falange Armata"
On May 23, 1992 came the Capaci massacre , which claimed the life of Judge Falcone , his wife Francesca Morvillo and some bodyguards : the attack was claimed by the abbreviation " Falange Armata " . Following the Capaci massacre , at its meeting of 8 June 1992 the Council of Ministers approved a decree - law "Smith - Hammer " (also called " decree Falcone " ) , which introduced Article 41a , that the harsh prison of prisoners of Mafia : The next day came an anonymous phone call on behalf of the initials " Falange Armata " which threatened that the jail did not have to touch . At the same time , the captain of Giuseppe De Donno Vito Ciancimino contacted through his son Massimo , on behalf of Colonel Mario Mori (at the time deputy commander of the ROS) that informed the general Subranni ; in turn Ciancimino and his son Massimo contacted by Antonino Salvatore Riina China ( Medical Mafia and San Lorenzo) . In that same period , the police sergeant contacted Roberto Storm Antonino Gioè (Head of the Family of Alton ) by Paolo Bellini ( ex-terrorist black and confidant of SISMI) in order to recover some stolen art pieces ; Marshal Storm informed Colonel Mori of those contacts.

At the end of June 1992, the captain De Donno met in Rome Dr. Liliana Ferraro , deputy director of criminal affairs at the Ministry of Justice, which asked political cover to the relationship with Ciancimino ; Dr. Ferraro invited him to report to the judge Paolo Borsellino. On June 25, Colonel Mori and Captain De Donno met the judge Borsellino : according to what is reported by Mori and De Donno , Borsellino discussed during this meeting with the two officers on the investigation of the investigation " mafia and procurement ." On June 28, he met in Rome Borsellino Dr. Ferraro, who spoke to him of the contacts between the colonel and Mori Ciancimino : however Borsellino said already informed of these contacts ; the same day the Government insediava Amato , who appointed Mr Nicola Mancino as interior minister in place of Vincenzo Scotti . At that time , Salvatore Riina Salvatore Cancemi showed a list of demands , saying that there was a negotiation with the State concerned repented and prison ; in that same period , Riina said also to Giovanni Brusca who had made a " Papello " of requests to do to end the massacres.
On 1 July 1992, the judge Borsellino, who was in Rome to query the associate justice Gaspar Muto, was invited to meet with the Minister for the Interior Ministry Mancino; according to Muto, Borsellino returned from the meeting visibly upset. During the same period, Giovanni Brusca received by Salvatore blond has the provision to suspend the preparation of the attack against Mr Mannino because "they were working below for more important things." According to Salvatore Cancemi in those days Riina insisted on speeding up the killing of Borsellino and to execute it in a manner egregious. On July 15, Borsellino confided to his wife, Agnes, who was close to the General Subranni environments mobsters while a few days before had said that there was a contact between the mafia and deflected parts of the state. At the same time, Riina said to Brusca that the deal was suddenly interrupted and there was "a wall to be overcome"
On July 19, the massacre took place via d'Amelio, which killed the judge Borsellino and bodyguards: the attack was always claimed by the abbreviation "Falange Armata". Following the massacre of Via D'Amelio, the decree "Smith-Hammer" was enacted into law and more than 100 mobsters particularly dangerous prisoners were transferred to prisons lock dell and Pianosa and placed under the 41 bis, which was also applied to other mobsters 400 inmates. On July 22, Colonel Mori met the lawyer Fernanda Contri (Secretary General at Palazzo Chigi) in order to report to the Prime Minister Giuliano Amato contacts undertaken with Ciancimino.
On 20 July 1992 , the day after the massacre of Via D'Amelio , the prosecutor of Palermo settles the instance storage survey called " Mafia and Contracts " , which had worked with great interest Giovanni Falcone , which later Paolo Borsellino . The decree filing was issued on 14 August 1992.
In September 1992, Riina said to Brusca that the negotiation was interrupted and then it took another " lightly, " for this commissioned him to prepare an attack against Judge Piero Grasso , but did not go ahead due to technical problems . At the same time , Colonel Mori met Mr Luciano Violante (then President of the Parliamentary Anti-Mafia Commission ) advocate for a private meeting with Ciancimino to discuss political issues , but it was rejected by Violante . Between October and November 1992 , and Antonino Giovanni Brusca Gioè did place an artillery shell in the Boboli Gardens in Florence in order to create public alarm and panic to resume talks with Marshal storm that had been interrupted : but the claim by telephone with the abbreviation " Falange Armata " was not implemented and why the bullet was not found in the immediacy but only at a later time . At that time , the Carabinieri General Francesco Delfino anticipated that the Minister Martelli Riina will be located and arrested by December ; December 12 Mancino said the minister at a conference in Palermo that Riina was about to be captured . In the same month , Colonel Mori handed a map of Palermo Ciancimino so indicate where he was the haunt of Riina , however , December 19 Ciancimino was arrested by the police for a residue of pain , before the return of the maps. On 15 January 1993 Riina was arrested by the men of Colonel Mori and General Delfino, who used the neocollaboratore of Justice Baldassare Di Maggio to identify the fugitive.


Following the arrest of Riina , he created a mafia group in favor of the continuation of the attacks against the state ( Leoluca Bagarella , Giovanni Brusca , the brothers Filippo and Giuseppe Gravano ) and another opposite (Michelangelo La Barbera , Raffaele Ganci , Salvatore Cancemi , Matthew Motisi , Benedetto Spera, Antonino Giuffre , Peter Aglieri ), while the boss Bernardo Provenzano was the peacemaker between the two factions and managed to put the condition that the attacks avvenissero out of Sicily, " continent " . On 9 February 1993 came another anonymous phone call on behalf of the initials " Falange Armata " that threatened the minister Mancino, the police chief Vincenzo Parisi and Nicholas Amato ( then director of the DAP , the management of prisons ) . On 10 February, the Minister Martelli was forced to resign because of the scandal of Tangentopoli and was replaced by Mr Giovanni Conso . On March 6, Dr. Nicholas Amato sent to the Minister Conso a long note in which he expressed his total abandonment of line with Article 41a to fall back on other instruments to fight against the Mafia prison , at the request of the police chief Parisi and the Ministry of ' Interior . On March 17, some would-be family members of prisoners and mafia dell Pianosa sent a threatening letter to the President of the Republic Oscar Luigi Scalfaro and, for information , to the Pope, the Bishop of Florence, the Cardinal of Palermo, the Prime Minister Giuliano Amato , Left ministers and Conso , journalist Maurizio Costanzo , Mr Vittorio Sgarbi, the CSM and the Giornale di Sicilia . On April 1, another anonymous phone call on behalf of the initials " Falange Armata " threatened the President Scalfaro and the Minister Mancino. Between March and May 1993 were revoked 121 submission to the decrees of 41a signed by Dr. Edward Fazzioli (then Deputy Director of the DAP) , as well as Dr. Amato had suggested in the note of March 6.
On 14 May 1993 the attack took place in Rome in Via Ruggiero Faure against the journalist Maurizio Costanzo , who, however, came out unscathed : this attack was claimed by the abbreviation " Falange Armata " . On 27 May there was the massacre of Georgofili in Florence, which caused five deaths and forty wounded, the attack was also claimed by the abbreviation " Falange Armata " . On June 4, Dr. Amato and Deputy Director Fazzioli were ousted from the leadership of DAP on direct involvement of the President Scalfaro ; in their place were appointed Dr. Adalberto Capriotti as the new director and Dr. Francesco Di Maggio as Deputy Director : June 14 an anonymous phone call on behalf of the initials " Falange Armata " expressed " satisfaction with the appointment of Capriotti in place of Beloved" and spoke a "victory of the Falange " ; June 19 another phone call on behalf of the " Falange Armata " returned to threaten the Left minister and the chief of police Parisi . On June 26, Dr. Capriotti sent a note to the minister Conso in which he explained his new line of silent non- extension of 373 measures of submission to 41a expiring in November, which would have constituted " a positive sign of detente ." On July 22, Salvatore Cancemi voluntarily handed himself over to the police immediately and showed a willingness to cooperate with justice , being transferred to detention extra prison at the Rome headquarters of ROS, under the supervision of Colonel Mori . Between 20 and 27 July, the DAP prorogued several measures of submission to 41a expiring concerned that some detainees mobsters of high concern . On July 27, Colonel Mori met Dr. Di Maggio , his friend and deputy director of the DAP , to address the "problem prisoners mobsters ." The night between 27 and 28 July there was the massacre of Via Palestro in Milan ( five dead and thirteen wounded) and a few minutes after two car bombs exploded in front of the churches of St. John Lateran and St. George in Velabrum in Rome , without making victims : the next day two anonymous letters sent to the editors of the newspapers "The Messenger " and " Corriere della Sera" threatened new attacks . On October 22, Colonel Mori again encountered Dr. Di Maggio . During the same period , the entrepreneur Tullio Cinnamon ( confidence man Leoluca Bagarella and brothers Gravano ) founded the separatist movement " Free Sicily ", which gathered together with other similar movements in the formation of the " Southern League " . On November 2, the minister did not renew Conso approximately 300 measures in at 41 a deadline , he said , "stop the slaughter ."
The associate justice Gaspare Spatuzza said that in October 1993, he met the boss Joseph Gravano in a bar in Via Veneto in Rome to organize an attack on the police during a football match at the Olympic Stadium ; according Spatuzza , on that occasion Gravano confided to him that they were getting everything they wanted thanks to contacts with Marcello Dell'Utri and , through him, with Silvio Berlusconi. However, the attack on January 23, 1994 at the Olimpico failed due to a malfunction of the remote control that was to cause explosion and was never repeated. At that time , according to Tullio Cinnamon (now an associate justice ) , Bernardo Provenzano and his brothers Gravano left the separatist project of " Free Sicily " to provide electoral support to the new political movement "Forza Italy " founded by Berlusconi. According to the associate justice Antonino Giuffre , brothers Gravano treated with Berlusconi through the business owner Gianni Jenna to obtain benefits and the judicial review of 41a in exchange for electoral force in Italy ; second Giuffre , Provenzano also activated some channels to get to Marcello Dell'Utri and Berlusconi to present a series of inquiries about some of the topics that interested Cosa Nostra . Other collaborators of justice spoke of the support provided by the Cosa Nostra Forza Italian elections of 1994. On January 27, 1994 in Milan were arrested the brothers Gravano, who had dealt with the organization of all the attacks from that moment , the strategy stragista Cosa Nostra stopped.

The will of Cosa Nostra , then controlled by the same Riina , passed through the hands of the Vito Ciancimino with twelve demands on the state , contained in a Papello :

1.Review of the judgment of the maxi-trial
2.Annulment of the decree law 41 bis
3.Revision of the law Rongoni - La Torre (crime of mafia association)
4.Reform of the law on the repentant
5.Recognition of the benefits for those convicted of Mafia-differentiated (like the Red Brigades)
6.House arrest after 70 years of age
7.closure of the super prisons
8.Prisoners close to the homes of family members
9.No censorship the mail of family members
10.Preventive measures and relationship with family members
11.Stopping only in flagrante delicto
12.tax exemption of gasoline in Sicily.

On the first list of demands , produced from Cosa Nostra , it was attached to another , with changes to the requests made ​​by Vito Ciancimino , as shown by the son of the former mayor of Palermo, who delivered to the court handling the case both manuscripts.

----------------------------

The repentant camorra Carmine Schiavone "lands" in Germany. The repentant of the Camorra, the former boss of the Casalesi clan, gave a long interview to Der Spiegel, interested to know the ins and outs of traffic of waste from Germany to the north of Naples, in what is now called the Land of Fires but that for a long time it was a big dustbin where the Germans "hiding" nuclear waste, of course with the approval of the criminal organizations. It was 1997 when Carmine Schiavone warned the Bicameral Commission of Inquiry.
"The inhabitants of the country are likely to die of cancer all within twenty years. I do not think that will save the inhabitants of countries like Casapesenna, Casal di Principe, Castel Volturno, and so on will have perhaps twenty years of life. "His was a prophecy, given the incidence of cancer that affects the area north of Naples.
Well, in an interview with Spiegel Schiavone said: "My testimony on the traffic of toxic waste has been classified by King George." Talk about Napolitano, at the time Minister of the Prodi Government, held in secrete the witness saw that it was conducting an investigation. "All of the information in my possession - Schiavone told the journalist Walter Mayr - I have given to the officials of the anti Italian Mafia in the 90s. In those documents had also written the name of an intermediary company based in Milan, who played an important role in the transfer from north to south. But that part of my testimony has been classified by King George, who was Minister of the Interior. "Spiegel asked who was behind the Milan-based company: "One of the partners was Paolo Berlusconi" (which, however, has already commented as "a fairy tale" the story of the repentant).
But that's not all. Carmine Schiavone mentions the names of four people who had the affair - he said - a great influence: "Alessandro Pansa, who was then at the head of the SCO (Service Central OS) and is now the Chief of Police; Nicholas Knight was with the police and was involved in the case, according to the penitent, is now deputy head dell'Aisi; Giorgio Napolitano, who was appointed prime minister of the Interior and dell'indagini. Today is the President of the Republic of Italy; Gennaro Capoluongo that, according to Schiavone, was aboard a helicopter that was on a tour of toxic waste dumps. Today is the head of Interpol in Italy. "And again: "The Mafia - Slavonian says - is a part of the state. The Casalesi clan is a state. "Harsh accusations that the associate justice ensures that you can try.

The Mafia is a part of the state, Schiavone says, adding that the Casalesi were a "clan state" and that the state profit from the business trash as well - serious allegations that he says he can dimostrare.L 'former mobster opens the door a room where he keeps boxes of documents, and delves into the card starts naming names, dates and places.
At the end of the interview Schiavone also said: "We had our men in Germany who had contacts with German politicians. Thanks to them, the waste, including nuclear, arrived at the Milan-based company. The radioactive material was delivered in a lead container about 50 cm long buried 20 feet deep. But the probe that was used for the measurements is only way to six meters. "
 
Mafia in ancient Rome:

The clientele was an association linking a group of people of lower rank to a noble patron . In exchange for protection and legal assistance, customers had to show devotion to their patron , making many services . Between patron and client , there was a bond so strong that they were exempted from testifying against each other. The performance of many customers by the patron was a source of prestige and power of prime importance. These characteristics, according to the author , make the customer the antecedent of the modern mafia organizations .

The electoral fraud. The collection of methods to alter the election result was very varied : donations of money and favors to voters , pressure and intimidation at the time of the vote, factionalism and corruption of magistrates in charge of the counting of votes and the proclamation of the winner. This sample of irregularities , however, was continually thwarted by efforts to ensure the smooth conduct of the elections.

Corruption and embezzlement of state officials afflicted those who were submissive to their authority. Despite the generous prerogative received , the governors of the provinces and senior grades of the device often took advantage of the irregularities with the most diverse of its position to the detriment of the people subject to Rome. Verres , governor of Sicily, the raptor of the time of Cicero , was anything but an isolated case . But corruption also related to the lower echelons of the state administration ; the classical historians took care of these little episodes, too humble to merit their attention. Most frequently cited fraud of the publican , holders of lucrative government contracts . One example is that of Mark Postumio Pyrgi , owner of the supply contracts for the army , which was about to sink old ships , after being loaded with goods of little value, to request state compensation to a value much higher .

The administration of justice is another area of Roman public life touched by extensive corruption. The classical Roman law , on which they were formed generations of lawyers until the present day , is an elaboration late imperial . In ancient times justice was administered by private individuals. Republican era the magistrate , the magistrate in charge of the judicial audience , the judgments relied on a court chosen by the parties or designated by him . The absence of a code and an independent body of specialized judges made ​​the event a judgment largely dependent on the pressure , if you do not own shares of real corruption , which the parties could have on the result of chance in court . The author presents the reader with numerous examples of how the processes were often designed in favor of a character -rich and powerful. The processes were public , which tempered the excesses of corruption of judges and that it raised the activity of intact and impartial judges as a term of comparison for the activity of all the others.

We could not miss the topic of the recommendations , a scourge that was already undermined the effectiveness of public administration . At the beginning of its history Rome was equipped with a state apparatus very slim , but with the widening of the dominion of Rome also the state administration became more extended , thereby multiplying the seats in careers state . The hunt for the place was the main activity of the offspring senatorial aristocracy and the emerging young upwardly mobile classes . To achieve this it was necessary to enjoy influential recommendations, in which you can not find a trace of the specific qualities that the candidate could boast worthy to occupy the position which he aspired , but only the exaltation of the generic virtues of loyalty and especially recommended.

Political corruption is a phenomenon that elicits mixed reactions , criticism and condemnation of the moral , sometimes more or less resigned acceptance . It may happen that the reasons and feelings which form the basis of these reactions coexist in us , forming a cocktail from the difficult balance and flavor changing, rarely pleasant . The curiosity to know more, to know the facts and details, however, is always strong.

Surely the work satisfies this curiosity with regard to the history of ancient Rome. It ' also possible that someone has read the unedifying episodes described by classic bitter consolation that modern times are not worse than the old ones in terms of corruption. The reader may find , however, the push for a deeper reflection on the pervasive nature of corruption on ways to combat it and mitigate its deleterious effects . Historical analysis can be used to prune the problem of corruption from the useless rhetoric and focus on the remedies , in several cases indicated with surprising clarity from the classics themselves. Giampiero Marcello


Political corruption and the connection between money and politics is not only a phenomenon of our times but has always existed over the millennia , in various forms and with varying severity. In ancient Rome , even before you get to the Lower Empire, became proverbial as the realm of corruption , the phenomenon was sized at least ten times higher than those of our times. This volume documents with large copy of testimonials from Latin and Greek authors of the various aspects of political corruption during the Republic and the first two centuries of the Empire : Corruption tied to patronage structures of society, the existence of a personal potentates of outside and above the legal power , the importance and prestige of wealth as an indispensable instrument of political domination . The volume is paramafiose associations ( clients and friends ) , corruption and electoral fraud , extortion and embezzlement, bribery , kickbacks and contracts , sale of seats and offices, corruption of judges, the power of recommendations. The reader will be impressed by coincidences with the present, often detected and highlighted by the curator .

Political corruption in ancient Rome Luciano Perelli :

The primacy of personal potentates on the alleged authority of the state was justified by the fact that in the Roman Republic lacked the structures that are the basis of the modern state , and that there were also the most ancient kingdoms and empires of the Eastern world and Hellenistic : the bureaucracy was almost non-existent , the few officials were in the personal service of a noble magistrate , who often made ​​use of the work of their freedmen and slaves ; there was no state police , the judiciary nor the judiciary as a separate organ of the state .
Public order was given to the initiative of the nobles and their action teams ; ordinary justice was in the hands of eminent private citizens . There anyway I explain how the Republican era in the political and social life was Roman regolatata by a system of personal power and the mafia , in which even the laws and their application was conditioned by the interests and pressure from single men and powerful mafia clans .
 
Hey Luigi, go getta the boss a cannoli, he lookin' piqued ...
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Notorious Italian mafia boss Bernardo Provenzano dead at 83
July 13, 2016 - Italian mafia boss Bernardo Provenzano, one of the most notorious crime figures of his time, has died in a Milan hospital at the age of 83, prison authorities said on Wednesday.
Provenzano was the undisputed head of the Sicilian Cosa Nostra Mafia from 1993 until his arrest in 2006 ended 43 years on the run. As a young hitman in Corleone, the hill town near Palermo made famous in the Godfather films, Provenzano made a name for himself with such ruthlessness that he became known as "the tractor" because of the way he mowed down clan enemies. After his arrest he suffered serious health problems, including cancer and Parkinson's disease, and in 2014 was transferred from a Parma prison to the San Paolo Hospital in Milan where he was still held under maximum security.

Over more than four decades Provenzano became a legendary outlaw and fugitive for evading police. Investigators believe he was in Sicily, probably often within sight of his hometown, all those years, protected by a network of local contacts. When he was caught, Provenzano had already been convicted in absentia for a string of murders, including the 1992 killings of two anti-mafia prosecutors, Giovanni Falcone and Paolo Borsellino, for which he was sentenced to life imprisonment. Until his arrest at the age of 73 at a farmhouse near Corleone, one of the last pictures police had of Provenzano was taken when he was just 25, in which he looked like a handsome, clean-cut captain of a soccer team.

He had turned the farmhouse into a rudimentary command center of two typewriters, a dictionary and a Bible full of home-made tabs and annotations of Old and New Testament verses. This was how Provenzano had run the mafia for more than a decade: through writing tiny messages called "pizzini" in a code language of numbers, letters and Biblical quotations. These were folded tens of times and then sealed in transparent tape and dispatched via a chain of messengers. The Sicilian term "pizzino" has since become common usage in Italian to denote any written message with a criminal function.

Provenzano, who never went to secondary school, wrote in often ungrammatical Italian. He assigned numbers from two to 164 to his accomplices - he was number one - and many of them did not know which number referred to which person. Once he became the Mafia's undisputed head in 1993, he abandoned the unbridled brutality of his early years and ran it like the chief executive of a company. The so-called "Provenzano Doctrine", which earned him the new nickname "The Accountant," was aimed at ensuring a low profile, with no more bombs or mass killings and creating consensus among the other local bosses.

Notorious Italian mafia boss Bernardo Provenzano dead at 83
 
Hey Luigi, go getta the boss a cannoli, he lookin' piqued ...
icon16.gif

Notorious Italian mafia boss Bernardo Provenzano dead at 83
July 13, 2016 - Italian mafia boss Bernardo Provenzano, one of the most notorious crime figures of his time, has died in a Milan hospital at the age of 83, prison authorities said on Wednesday.
Provenzano was the undisputed head of the Sicilian Cosa Nostra Mafia from 1993 until his arrest in 2006 ended 43 years on the run. As a young hitman in Corleone, the hill town near Palermo made famous in the Godfather films, Provenzano made a name for himself with such ruthlessness that he became known as "the tractor" because of the way he mowed down clan enemies. After his arrest he suffered serious health problems, including cancer and Parkinson's disease, and in 2014 was transferred from a Parma prison to the San Paolo Hospital in Milan where he was still held under maximum security.

Over more than four decades Provenzano became a legendary outlaw and fugitive for evading police. Investigators believe he was in Sicily, probably often within sight of his hometown, all those years, protected by a network of local contacts. When he was caught, Provenzano had already been convicted in absentia for a string of murders, including the 1992 killings of two anti-mafia prosecutors, Giovanni Falcone and Paolo Borsellino, for which he was sentenced to life imprisonment. Until his arrest at the age of 73 at a farmhouse near Corleone, one of the last pictures police had of Provenzano was taken when he was just 25, in which he looked like a handsome, clean-cut captain of a soccer team.

He had turned the farmhouse into a rudimentary command center of two typewriters, a dictionary and a Bible full of home-made tabs and annotations of Old and New Testament verses. This was how Provenzano had run the mafia for more than a decade: through writing tiny messages called "pizzini" in a code language of numbers, letters and Biblical quotations. These were folded tens of times and then sealed in transparent tape and dispatched via a chain of messengers. The Sicilian term "pizzino" has since become common usage in Italian to denote any written message with a criminal function.

Provenzano, who never went to secondary school, wrote in often ungrammatical Italian. He assigned numbers from two to 164 to his accomplices - he was number one - and many of them did not know which number referred to which person. Once he became the Mafia's undisputed head in 1993, he abandoned the unbridled brutality of his early years and ran it like the chief executive of a company. The so-called "Provenzano Doctrine", which earned him the new nickname "The Accountant," was aimed at ensuring a low profile, with no more bombs or mass killings and creating consensus among the other local bosses.

Notorious Italian mafia boss Bernardo Provenzano dead at 83

Even if I live in Gaul Transpadana (northern Italy), I am aware of certain news stories.
 

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