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Back in the spring of 2011, House Republicans had refused to raise the nations debt ceiling unless the president first conceded to massive spending cutsa gratuitous game of chicken that put the global economy at risk and defied decades of bipartisan Washington tradition. At the time, many Democrats, including Bill Clinton, were urging Obama to go it alone. Id raise the debt ceiling on my own, without hesitation, Clinton told a reporter. [Id] force the courts to stop me. But the White House insisted that unilateral action was not an option.
Instead, Obama spent 44 days trying to forge a Grand Debt Bargain with John Boehner, the House Republican leader. The two politicians first negotiated over a round of golf at Andrews Air Force base. They haggled further while sipping merlot (Boehner) and iced tea (Obama) on the patio outside the Oval Office. Finally, at the 11th hour, Boehner and Obama seemed to agree on a plan that would slash domestic, defense, and entitlement spending by more than $1.65 trillion over 10 years.
But now it was Friday, July 22, 11 days before the debt-ceiling deadline, and Boehner was missing in action. Obama phoned the speaker three times. No response. And then, at 5:30 p.m., after 24 hours of radio silence, Boehner finally called the president backto inform him that the deal was off. I just couldnt do any more revenue, Boehner said. Obama was flabbergasted. How do we put this back together again? the president sputtered, tightening his hold on the handset. The speaker told him it was hopeless. Later, when asked to describe Obamas mood, Boehner would say that the commander in chief was spewing coals, according to an account by Bob Woodward.
The negotiations over the debt ceiling were astonishing to the president, recalls White House counsel Kathryn Ruemmler. That really was a moment of wow. It was a step beyond the regular Republican obstruction.
Late Sunday afternoon, Obama summoned his top lieutenants to the Oval Office. Something had changed. For months, Obama had been frustrated with congressional gridlock, which had intensified after Republicans took control of the House in January. And yet hed always held out hope.
Not anymore. The Old Obama had pledged to usher in a golden age of bipartisan cooperation, then spent the first two and a half years of his tenure trying to meet the opposition in the middle. But the New Obama was fed up. Disillusioned. And he was done letting Congress stonewall his agenda.
These guys are willing to let the country go into default rather than negotiate a compromise, he said in disbelief. According to one participant, there was a recognition that the time had come to consider an audacious new governing strategy: what could Obama do without Congress?
Eleven months later, on June 15, 2012, the president strode into the Rose Garden to make an announcement. For the last five years, congressional Republicans had been blocking the DREAM Act: a bill designed to provide a conditional pathway to citizenship for immigrants who were brought to America illegally as children. Pressed by Latino advocates to take action, Obama had spent 2011 repeating that we are doing everything we can administratively because this notion that somehow I can just change the laws unilaterally is not true. But now the president was doing something that hed previously deemed impossible, and that Congress had repeatedly forbidden: singlehandedly granting relief to an entire category of young immigrants, as many as 1.7 million people, whod otherwise be subject to deportation.
The reaction from Republicans was swift and severe. The presidents directive is an affront to our system of representative government and the legislative process, and its an inappropriate use of executive power, thundered Sen. Chuck Grassley. We should all be appalled at how this plan has been carried out.
Grassleys cri de coeur was, of course, predictable: the posturing of a committed partisan whose side had just seen its chances of winning over a key voting bloc collapse on the eve of a critical presidential election.
Congress must be willing to cripple a rogue POTUS such as this by shutting down government.
Congress must be willing to cripple a rogue POTUS such as this by shutting down government.
Absolutely. If Congress had had the balls to do this with Bush we might have avoided the Iraq fiasco altogether.
Congress must be willing to cripple a rogue POTUS such as this by shutting down government.
Absolutely. If Congress had had the balls to do this with Bush we might have avoided the Iraq fiasco altogether.
Illogical and revisionist, Libtard.
Not to mention the fact that Bush got Congress to approve the invasion. LOL
Absolutely. If Congress had had the balls to do this with Bush we might have avoided the Iraq fiasco altogether.
Illogical and revisionist, Libtard.
Yeah, I figured as much. this is why it's impossible to take most Republicans seriously when they talk about the Constitution and limited government. As soon as they get in power their just as excited to expand executive power as the Democrats. Fake bullshit, as usual.
Not to mention the fact that Bush got Congress to approve the invasion. LOL
Try to follow along. That's the part I'm complaining about. If the Dems had had the guts to block Bush they way the Republicans have at least tried to block Obama, we'd all be better off for it.
Difference being, Bush sought and gained the APPROVAL of the people via a vote from their elected Congressional representatives.
Obama is bypassing the Congress and attempting to rule by Executive Edict, which is the entire point of the tread.
Idiot.
