2aguy
Diamond Member
- Jul 19, 2014
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Here is his testimony given to congress on gun violence.....
Universal background checks
Assault weapon ban
magazine ban....
All the dumb ideas pushed by anti-gunners are addressed.
https://crimeresearch.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/09/Joint-Economic-Committee-Testimony-Lott.pdf
Universal background checks, meaning background checks on the private transfer of guns, have been mentioned for years by gun control advocates. It was by far the most frequently mentioned proposal by former President Obama.1 But there has not been a single mass public shooting this century that such a law would have stopped.2 These laws also have real costs. In Washington, DC, for example, it costs $125 to do a background check on a privately transferred gun. That may stop the people who are most likely to be victims of violent crimes, often poor blacks who live in high crime urban areas, from being able to legally obtain guns for selfdefense.
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Besides, if we sincerely believe that background checks reduce crime and save lives, we shouldn’t effectively tax Americans for going through the process. If everyone benefits from background checks, then everyone should pay for them. They ought to be funded out of general revenue. Under the Democratic House bill, actions that would be entirely reasonable could become criminal. Imagine a stalker threatens a female friend of yours, and she asks to borrow your gun. She is trained and has no criminal record. Should you let her protect herself? If Jerry Nadler has his way, you could land in prison for doing so. The only exception is “imminent danger,” i.e., if she asks to borrow your gun while her stalker is charging at her. The Trump administration has floated the idea of an App that could be used to check whether people are eligible to buy guns. People would be required to check the app or else face criminal consequences. That’s one potential solution. Another: simply requiring a reasonable person standard: would a reasonable person believe that the woman being stalked is in danger? An App would cut the costs of background checks and also solve problems for rural Americans. Private transfer background checks would require some Americans to travel for miles to do what could be accomplished instantly with a smart phone.
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Assault weapon bans have been studied extensively, but even researchers funded by the Clinton administration, which enacted the 1994 federal ban, were unable to find evidence that such a ban reduced any type of violence.3 It doesn’t make any sense to ban so-called “militarystyle” weapons, when there are other functionally identical semi-automatic hunting rifles available.
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If a national assault weapons ban had really reduced shootings, then one would expect it to have a bigger impact in states that previously lacked such a ban. States that already had a statelevel ban, on the other hand, should see a smaller effect. Rigorous, peer-reviewed academic studies compare the trends in these two types of states to determine whether the national ban had an effect. That is the way that Koper and Roth did their studies, and as I have done so in my own research. These studies did not find any impact from assault weapon bans. But even Klarevas’ simple methods are dependent on the exact dataset used. The next graph uses the Mother Jones data set on Mass Public Shootings to show the small insignificant changes in shootings using assault weapons. The Crime Prevention Research Center has a count of mass shootings, and that data indicates no reduction at all in mass public shootings. 14
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There’s also no evidence that crime rates were affected by the 1994 federal ban on magazines that hold more than 10 bullets. Even the Urban Institute, with funding from the Bill Clinton administration, was unable to find any such evidence.4 In that report, criminologists Chris Koper and Jeff Roth concluded: “The evidence is not strong enough for us to conclude that there was any meaningful effect (i.e., that the effect was different from zero).” Koper and Rother found in a 2004 follow-up report: “We cannot clearly credit the ban with any of the nation’s recent drop in gun violence. And, indeed, there has been no discernible reduction in the lethality and injuriousness of gun violence.”
Universal background checks
Assault weapon ban
magazine ban....
All the dumb ideas pushed by anti-gunners are addressed.
https://crimeresearch.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/09/Joint-Economic-Committee-Testimony-Lott.pdf
Universal background checks, meaning background checks on the private transfer of guns, have been mentioned for years by gun control advocates. It was by far the most frequently mentioned proposal by former President Obama.1 But there has not been a single mass public shooting this century that such a law would have stopped.2 These laws also have real costs. In Washington, DC, for example, it costs $125 to do a background check on a privately transferred gun. That may stop the people who are most likely to be victims of violent crimes, often poor blacks who live in high crime urban areas, from being able to legally obtain guns for selfdefense.
------
Besides, if we sincerely believe that background checks reduce crime and save lives, we shouldn’t effectively tax Americans for going through the process. If everyone benefits from background checks, then everyone should pay for them. They ought to be funded out of general revenue. Under the Democratic House bill, actions that would be entirely reasonable could become criminal. Imagine a stalker threatens a female friend of yours, and she asks to borrow your gun. She is trained and has no criminal record. Should you let her protect herself? If Jerry Nadler has his way, you could land in prison for doing so. The only exception is “imminent danger,” i.e., if she asks to borrow your gun while her stalker is charging at her. The Trump administration has floated the idea of an App that could be used to check whether people are eligible to buy guns. People would be required to check the app or else face criminal consequences. That’s one potential solution. Another: simply requiring a reasonable person standard: would a reasonable person believe that the woman being stalked is in danger? An App would cut the costs of background checks and also solve problems for rural Americans. Private transfer background checks would require some Americans to travel for miles to do what could be accomplished instantly with a smart phone.
-----------------
Assault weapon bans have been studied extensively, but even researchers funded by the Clinton administration, which enacted the 1994 federal ban, were unable to find evidence that such a ban reduced any type of violence.3 It doesn’t make any sense to ban so-called “militarystyle” weapons, when there are other functionally identical semi-automatic hunting rifles available.
-----
If a national assault weapons ban had really reduced shootings, then one would expect it to have a bigger impact in states that previously lacked such a ban. States that already had a statelevel ban, on the other hand, should see a smaller effect. Rigorous, peer-reviewed academic studies compare the trends in these two types of states to determine whether the national ban had an effect. That is the way that Koper and Roth did their studies, and as I have done so in my own research. These studies did not find any impact from assault weapon bans. But even Klarevas’ simple methods are dependent on the exact dataset used. The next graph uses the Mother Jones data set on Mass Public Shootings to show the small insignificant changes in shootings using assault weapons. The Crime Prevention Research Center has a count of mass shootings, and that data indicates no reduction at all in mass public shootings. 14
-----------
There’s also no evidence that crime rates were affected by the 1994 federal ban on magazines that hold more than 10 bullets. Even the Urban Institute, with funding from the Bill Clinton administration, was unable to find any such evidence.4 In that report, criminologists Chris Koper and Jeff Roth concluded: “The evidence is not strong enough for us to conclude that there was any meaningful effect (i.e., that the effect was different from zero).” Koper and Rother found in a 2004 follow-up report: “We cannot clearly credit the ban with any of the nation’s recent drop in gun violence. And, indeed, there has been no discernible reduction in the lethality and injuriousness of gun violence.”
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