Congress narrows gap in cocaine sentences

Discussion in 'Law and Justice System' started by blu, Jul 28, 2010.

  1. blu
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    blu Senior Member

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    Congress narrows gap in cocaine sentences | NOLA.com

    :clap2::clap2::clap2::clap2::clap2:

    I can't believe they did something right!
     
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  2. FA_Q2
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    FA_Q2 Gold Member

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    Wow, I am surprised. This is a move in the right direction.
     
  3. R.C. Christian
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    R.C. Christian Gold Member

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    It's about damn time. Now there is change you can believe in.
     
  4. Article 15
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    Article 15 Dr. House slayer

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    Agreed.

    The gap is still wrong, IMO, but at least it's getting smaller.
     
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  5. Tank
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    Tank Gold Member

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    Black people love smoking crack.
     
  6. editec
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    editec Mr. Forgot-it-All

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    Are people still smoking crack?

    I thought the new speed high was made by Americans FOR Americans good old USA manufactured crank.
     
  7. Douger
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    Douger BANNED

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    Yessiree. Made in murka !! #1 ! :cuckoo:
     
  8. topspin
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    topspin BANNED

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    I certainly agree with 18 times less for a rich guy snorting powder. 100 times less for the rich guy is too lenient.
     
  9. Mad Scientist
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    Mad Scientist Deplorable Gold Supporting Member Supporting Member

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    I agree. Blacks people should be able to smoke as much crack as they want without fear of retribution. Keeps them enslaved.
     
  10. Barb
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    Barb Carpe Scrotum

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    Plenty of white people smoke crack. They aren't arrested at the same rate, and they aren't demonized by the media and government.

    Similar to the ways poverty and antipoverty programs such as needs based welfare were racialized by government and the media starting in the 1960s and intermittently through the 1980s and beyond, so too were the issues of drug abuse and crime racialized during the crack cocaine explosion of the 1980s. Comparable to poverty coverage of white and black populations are the class and racial components of the treatment of cocaine use as a status of luxury when it was mostly a white and rich persons drug of choice, and later when the means of delivery and ingestion made it less expensive to sell to a wider and poorer consumer base.

    Martin Gilens, Why Americans Hate Welfare: Race, Media, and the Politics of Antipoverty Policy The University of Chicago Press, 1999, 104-108 and 154-168
    Michael Agar, Addiction Research & Theory: The Story Of Crack: Towards A Theory Of Illicit Drug Trends. 27pFeb2003, Vol. 11 Issue 1, p3-29, retrieved May 15, 2010 from Empire State College - Login

    Contrary to popular belief, Parry noted that the introduction of crack did not institute increased dug abuse. Heroine and powdered cocaine were already common, and often used in tandem in the form of “speedballing” by IV drug users. Neither did crack use predominantly begin as a problem in African-American neighborhoods, although it was most visibly depicted as such by the national news media.

    Robert Parry, Salon.com How John Kerry exposed the Contra-cocaine scandal, 25 October 2004, retrieved May 15, 2010 from How John Kerry exposed the Contra-cocaine scandal - Salon.com 6

    The war on drugs intensified in response to media portrayals of frightening black gang members and irresponsible welfare mothers smoking crack while pregnant. These were the public faces of the crack cocaine epidemic, and in response to the fear and disgust generated, the sentencing guidelines became stricter for the crack form of cocaine while sentencing for powdered cocaine remained at pre-crack levels. Budget allocations for the war on drugs were 50% more for incarceration and punishment than for treatment or prevention, and the war on the growth industry of the 1980s inner cities became a very profitable growth industry in itself.

    Michelle Alexander explained the racial motivation of the Reagan Revolution regarding the administrations’ focus in the “War on Drugs:”

    Alexander went on to assess how successful in re-segregating and disenfranchising the black population these policies were.
    • More black people are in prison or parole today than were slaves in 1850.
    • “Felon disenfranchisement laws” effectively and legally evade the Fifteenth Amendment.
    • Coupled with the label of “felons for life,” these laws also permit discrimination in housing, employment, education, and deny participation in the political and justice systems that decide the fates of those so branded, and the fate of their children.
    • Because of the enormously high rate of imprisonment of black fathers, and increasingly of mothers, a black child today is less likely to live with both parents than they would have during slavery.
    Tony Whitehead wrote about the “incarceration epidemic” in Marion Barry, the Incarceration Epidemic, and the Prison-to-Community Cultural Continuum in Washington, DC, and noted that at 6% of the US population, black males make up 70% of the population in prison or on parole, and that this has occurred even as crime rates have “steadily declined since the late 1990s.” Whitehead also noted that while consequences for individuals are well documented, less has been written about the consequences to the communities they are taken from and recycled back into, their families, or particularly their children.

    Michelle Alexander, Mother Jones The New Jim Crow The New Jim Crow | Mother Jones

    All this, and not ONE of the real suppliers saw a DAY of jail time, or even an indictment

    In 1979, a group of Nicaraguan exiles calling themselves the Contras began to fight a guerilla war against the Sandinista government of Nicaragua. The Reagan administration of the 1980s viewed these exiles as potentially useful in the Cold War, and President Reagan went so far as to associate them to the “founding fathers.” Because the United States Congress disagreed, it passed “Boland Amendments” restricting the types of support the administration could offer to the Contras. Specifically, these Amendments prohibited the use of CIA funds to depose the Sandinista government, and restricted U.S. Aide to the Contras to “humanitarian” relief. Michael Agar explained that the response to these restrictions by the Reagan administration included allowing, indeed protecting the entry of US relief planes loaded with powder cocaine into the United States.

    Michael Agar, Addiction Research & Theory: The Story Of Crack: Towards A Theory Of Illicit Drug Trends, 11-12

    Robert Parry went into greater detail regarding the findings of John Kerry’s Congressional investigation into the funding of the Contras through the international cocaine trade, including the 1998 findings of CIA inspector Fredrick Hitz that the Reagan administration knew from the beginning that the CIA was working with drug traffickers in the Contra army, that these were internationally connected, that the CIA protected them from exposure and prosecution, and indicated direct connections between the flood of cocaine into the United states in the 1980s and direct orders from officials of the United States Government.

    Robert Parry, Salon.com How John Kerry exposed the Contra-cocaine scandal, 25 October 2004, retrieved May 15, 2010 from How John Kerry exposed the Contra-cocaine scandal - Salon.com 6
     
    Last edited: Jul 29, 2010

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