taichiliberal
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- Aug 11, 2010
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- #41
"...she MUST be paid less than a man for the EXACT same job."
I should make a list of the absurdities libs believe.....
If that were correct, why would any employer ever hire men?
You do see the logic....don't you?
Sorry kid, but your idea of logic given that leap you make to "why would any employer ever hire men" gives new meaning to the word "babbling".
But please explain the "logic" in this, sweetpea:
Equal Pay and the Gender Gap: Men Still Outearn Women - TIME
No prob....
...if the nonsense such as 'women get paid 74 cents for every dollar men get for the same job" were even close to true....
...an employer would hire all women and increase his profits by 26% of the costs of labor.
Get it?
I recommend Dr. Sowell's book: "Applied Economics: Thinking Beyond Stage One" in which Sowell takes the key political issues and challenges the reader to analyze not only their short term (Stage One) political impact but to also think ahead to their long term (Stage Two, Three, etc) economic impact.
I get that you're not too bright when it comes to real life experience...because what you're describing flies in the face of GENERATIONS of workers rights and reformation regarding minimum wage and pay scale. If someone tried to pull what you imply, then the free market that neocons/teabaggers hold so high on the mount would destroy that business by simply offering better pay for the same amount of labor, thus killing this theoretical company of yours.
Get it? Because if you don't, I suggest you read up on the Labor movement in this country, and the economic basis for the New Deal.
As for Sowell....is yet another token darling of the neocons...he's been taken apart by so many fact checks by the very institutions and people he writes about that it's pathetic.
Here's just a sample:
[FONT="Century Gothic"]In his July 15 syndicated column criticizing Sen. Barack Obama's tax proposals, Thomas Sowell wrote that "[w]hen [ABC World News anchor Charles] Gibson reminded him of the well-documented fact that lower tax rates on capital gains had produced more actual revenue collected from that tax than the higher tax rates had, Obama was unmoved." However, as Media Matters for America documented when Gibson claimed during an April 16 Democratic presidential debate that "in each instance, when the [capital gains tax] rate dropped, revenues from the tax increased," numerous economists have challenged the assertion that cuts in the capital gains tax raise revenue in the long term. The nonpartisan Joint Committee on Taxation estimated in June 2006 that the 2006 extension of the 2003 cuts on capital gains taxes would result in decreased revenues of $20 billion over 10 years.
Additionally, Sowell asserted: "Since about half the people in the United States own stocks -- either directly or because their pension funds buy stocks -- socking it to people who earn capital gains is by no means socking it just to 'the rich.' But, again, that is one of the many facts that don't matter politically." In fact, most distributions from two common forms of retirement accounts -- 401(k) and IRA -- are taxed as regular income, not as capital gains. Additionally, Obama said after the debate that he would not raise the capital gains tax rate on individuals with income of less than $250,000.
In the concluding chapter, Thoughts on the History of Economics, Sowell departs from the now generally accepted view that we study the history of economics so we may learn how and why theories developed or evolved, recognize the errors in those discarded, and draw insights for handling current problems in theory construction and policy formulation. Rather, he thinks that studying the history of economics is worthwhile only so that one may be considered an educated individual (p. 188). He wonders if all the useful aspects of classical economics have not already been incorporated into the latest textbooks, with the classical insights rendered into diagrams and equations, and the classical errors and misstatements decently buried without fanfare (p. 188)the absolutist view of theories development. Sowell appears oblivious of Kenneth Bouldings After Samuelson, Who Needs Adam Smith? (History of Political Economy 3 [1971]: 22537) and of Mark Blaugs No History of Ideas, Please, Were Economists (Journal of Economic Perspectives 15 [2001]: 145 64), which argue the contrary view.
Sowell also downplays the role of economic events in prompting new theory construction, placing more weight on a disciplines own internal pressures to resolve the inevitable ambiguities and puzzles that arise in the course of groping for truth and clarity (p. 196), a viewpoint drawn from Stigler. The evolution of theories, particularly in macroeconomics, would indicate otherwise. Thus, Sowell wonders whether Keyness General Theory would have been such an instant and runaway success had it arrived during the prosperity of the 1920s rather than during the Great Depression of the 1930s (p. 201). But Keynes wrote that book specifically to address problems of a depression economy under the erroneous presumption that extant classical principles were inadequate.[/FONT]http://www.independent.org/publications/tir/article.asp?a=663
Get your act together, chic!